Being Black, gay, and a drag queen doesn't come without challenges, but Tiffany Fantasia makes it all work as one of Miami's most loved drag queens.
Being Black, gay, and a drag queen doesn't come without challenges, but Tiffany Fantasia makes it all work as one of Miami's most loved drag queens.
The singer has two daughters, aged seven and eight.
Slow out of the gate as New Jersey sprinted ahead in the nascent U.S. sports betting market, Freehold Raceway is hoping to catch up to the pack as the latest entity in the state to offer it. The oldest harness racing track in the U.S. is the third track in the state to take legal sports bets, joining eight of the nine Atlantic City casinos. New Jersey casinos and tracks have been offering sports betting since June 2018, a month after the state won a U.S. Supreme Court case clearing the way for all 50 states to offer sports betting.
House speaker Nancy Pelosi said Sunday that she plans to run for speaker again as Democrats and Republicans struggle to reach a deal on another coronavirus stimulus package before the election in November."If Democrats keep the House, are you going to run for another term as Speaker?" CNN's Jake Tapper asked Pelosi during an interview on State of the Union."Yes, I am," Pelosi responded, adding that "we have to also win the Senate."Talks on another stimulus bill to offset the economic damage of the pandemic remain sluggish as differences remain among House Democrats, Senate Republicans, and the Trump administration.The White House offered to support a nearly $1.9 trillion stimulus bill, less than the $2.2 trillion bill House Democrats passed earlier this month. Two of the biggest sticking points are how much supplemental unemployment insurance to provide as well as Democrats' request to send more aid to states and localities."I'll never give up hope. I'm optimistic," Pelosi said, adding that she sent the administration a list of concerns that she was informed she would receive feedback about on Monday."To do anything, though, that does not crush the virus is really official malfeasance. And to crush the virus, we just have to follow the science, testing, tracing, treatment, mask-wearing, ventilation, separation, and the rest," Pelosi added.“I don’t think Speaker Pelosi has any intention of doing a deal before the election but hopefully we can do one shortly thereafter,” GOP Senator John Cornyn said Friday.The next coronavirus bill would send another $1,200 direct payment to Americans.“I’d like to see the people get the money,” President Trump said Friday. “I don’t think she wants the people to get the money before the election. I don’t think that’s a good point for her.”During Thursday's presidential debate, Trump said he believes that Republicans will win a majority in the House during the general election in November."You keep thinking that, Mr. President," Pelosi said Sunday of Trump's prediction, calling the president's remark another example of his "delusional" statements.
A month before the 2016 presidential election, WikiLeaks released hacked emails from John Podesta, Hillary Clinton's campaign chairman.Last week, The New York Post published an article featuring emails from a laptop purportedly owned by Hunter Biden, son of the Democratic presidential nominee, Joe Biden. The emails, about business dealings in Ukraine, have not been independently verified.So how did cable news treat these two caches, which were both aimed at Democratic candidates during the heights of their presidential campaigns?The answer: Fox News is giving more airtime to the unverified Hunter Biden emails than it did to the hacked emails from Podesta in 2016, according to an analysis from the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies disinformation.While Fox News' mentions of the word "WikiLeaks" took up a peak of 198 seconds in one day in mid-October 2016, the news channel's references to "Hunter" reached 273 seconds one day last week, according to the analysis. Fox News did not respond to a request for comment.In contrast, most viewers of CNN and MSNBC would not have heard much about the unconfirmed Hunter Biden emails, according to the analysis. CNN's mentions of "Hunter" peaked at 20 seconds and MSNBC's at 24 seconds one day last week.CNN and MSNBC covered the WikiLeaks disclosures more, according to the study. Mentions of "WikiLeaks" peaked at 121 seconds on CNN in one day in October 2016 and 90 seconds on MSNBC in one day in the same period."In 2016, the WikiLeaks releases were a gigantic story, covered across the political spectrum," said Emerson Brooking, a resident fellow at the Digital Forensic Research Lab, who worked on the report. "In 2020, the Hunter Biden leaks are a WikiLeaks-sized event crammed into one angry, intensely partisan corner" of cable news television.As for online news outlets, 85% of the 1,000 most popular articles about the Hunter Biden emails were by right-leaning sites, according to the analysis. Those articles, which were shared 28 million times, came from The New York Post, Fox Business, Fox News and The Washington Times, among other outlets. The researchers did not have a comparative analysis for the WikiLeaks revelations.This article originally appeared in The New York Times.(C) 2020 The New York Times Company
Pence aides have tested positive for the virus, but he is not subject to quarantine because he is an "essential" government official, aides said.
The Titans are reportedly being fined for violations of the NFL's COVID-19 protocols that may have contributed to their early-season team-wide outbreak.
BETHLEHEM, Pa. -- To understand how much President Donald Trump has altered the conversation around the economy, just listen to Bruce Haines, who spent decades as an executive at U.S. Steel before becoming a managing partner of the elegant Historic Hotel Bethlehem.The steel mills that still dominate the skyline of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, have long been empty. And now so are the tables in the Tap Room, the hotel's restaurant, a sign of the economic hardship caused by the coronavirus pandemic. "It's been very difficult," Haines said.The president's management of the pandemic is a prime reason many voters cite for backing his opponent. But Haines, who lives in a swing county in a swing state, is struck most by a different aspect of Trump's record."I spent 35 years in the steel business, and I can tell you unfair trade deals were done by Republicans and Democrats," Haines said. Both parties, he complained, had given up on manufacturing -- once a wellspring of stable middle-class jobs. "Trump has been the savior of American industry. He got it. He's the only one."In perhaps the greatest reversal of fortune of the Trump presidency, a microscopically tiny virus upended the outsize economic legacy that Trump had planned to run on for reelection. Instead of record-low unemployment rates, supercharged confidence levels and broad-based gains in personal income, Trump will end his term with rising poverty, wounded growth and a higher jobless rate than when he took office.Still, despite one of the worst years in recent American history, the issue on which Trump gets his highest approval ratings remains the economy. It points to the resilience of his reputation as a savvy businessman and hard-nosed negotiator. And it is evidence that his most enduring economic legacy may not rest in any statistical almanac but in how much he has shifted the conversation around the economy.Long before Trump appeared on the political stage, powerful forces were reshaping the economy and inciting deep-rooted anxieties about secure middle-income jobs and America's economic preeminence in the world. Trump recognized, stoked and channeled those currents in ways that are likely to persist whether he wins or loses the election.By ignoring economic and political orthodoxies, he at times successfully married seemingly contradictory or inconsistent positions to win over both hardcore capitalists and the working class. There would be large tax breaks and deregulation for business owners and investors, and trade protection and aid for manufacturers, miners and farmers.In the process, he scrambled party positions on key issues like immigration and globalization and helped topple sacred verities about government debt. He took a Republican Party that preached free trade, low spending and debt reduction and transformed it into one that picked trade wars even with allies, ran up record-level peacetime deficits and shielded critical social programs from cuts."He completely moved the Republican Party away from reducing Social Security and Medicare spending," said Michael Strain, an economist at the conservative American Enterprise Institute.On immigration, Trump remade the political landscape in a different way. He has accused immigrants of stealing jobs or committing crimes and -- as he did in Thursday night's debate -- continued to disparage their intelligence. In doing so, he rallied hard-line sentiments that could be found in each party and turned them into a mostly Republican cri de coeur.The Democrats changed in turn. Former Vice President Joe Biden has positioned himself as the champion of immigrants, pledging to reverse Trump's most restrictive policies, while rejecting more radical proposals like eliminating the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency.He has also been pushed to finesse his position on fracking and the oil industry, promising not to ban the controversial drilling method on private lands and trying -- with mixed success -- to walk back comments he had made during the presidential debate about transitioning away from fossil fuels.Shifts on trade were more momentous. Biden and other party leaders who had once promoted the benefits of globalization found themselves playing defense against a Republican who outflanked them on issues like industrial flight and foreign competition. They responded by embracing elements of protectionism that they had previously abandoned.No matter who spends the next four years in the White House, economic policy is likely to pay more attention to U.S. jobs and industries threatened by China and other foreign competition and less attention to worries about deficits caused by government efforts to stimulate the economy.The reshuffling is clear to Charles Jefferson, managing owner of Montage Mountain Ski Resort near Scranton, Pennsylvania."Those were not conversations we were having five years ago," he said. "The exodus of manufacturing jobs -- that was considered a fait accompli."Jefferson, 55, grew up in North Philadelphia in a blue-collar union family and remembers the hemorrhaging of jobs that many Democratic leaders said was unstoppable in a globalized world -- even though such positions were deeply unpopular with many rank-and-file Democrats.Manufacturing revived after bottoming out during the Great Recession but floundered during President Barack Obama's second term. Jefferson, who said he voted for Obama, supported Trump in 2016. He plans to do so again.The manufacturing sector still represents a relatively small slice of the economy, accounting for 11% of the country's total output and employing less than 9% of American workers. But Trump has been a relentless cheerleader. While he often took credit for manufacturing jobs at companies like General Motors and Foxconn that later disappeared or never materialized, the pace of hiring in the sector sped up considerably in 2018 before stalling out last year.As a result, in this election, unlike the last, the significance of manufacturing and the need for a more skeptical approach to free trade are not contested.Biden, after decades of supporting trade pacts, is now running on a "made in all of America" program that promises to "use full power of the federal government to bolster American industrial and technological strength." He has also vowed to use the tax code to encourage businesses to keep or create jobs on U.S. soil.Even voters who don't particularly like Trump credit him with reenergizing the U.S. economy.Walter Dealtrey Jr., who runs a tire service, sales and retreading business in Bethlehem that his father started 65 years ago, said he voted for Trump in 2016, but he was never a big fan of the president."He talks too much," said Dealtrey, who's been around long enough to distinguish a new Goodyear or Michelin tire by its smell. "And his tone is terrible." A year ago, he had considered the possibility of supporting a moderate Democrat like Biden or Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota.But with Election Day just over a week away, Dealtrey plans to once again support the president. Even after a few unnervingly slow months in the spring and some layoffs among the 960 people he employed at his company, Service Tire Truck Centers, he still trusts Trump on the economy.Dealtrey talked as he walked around stacks of giant tires that towered above his own 6-foot frame, a Stonehenge-size monument to wheeled transport. He likes the president's focus on "big manufacturing" and the way he "instills confidence in businesses to invest in this country."Just how much responsibility Trump deserves for reframing some key economic issues is up for debate. Frustration about job losses in the United States has been brewing for decades; the parties were diverging on immigration; and antagonism toward China over trade practices, suspicions of technology theft and its authoritarian tactics extends beyond the United States."I don't think he really has pushed the boundaries of any of those policy issues beyond where they already were," said Strain of the American Enterprise Institute.Similarly, Jason Furman, a chair of the Council of Economic Advisers during the Obama administration, argues that Trump was pushed along by the same trends and forces that spurred his supporters. And on some issues, like immigration, he caused public opinion to move in the opposite direction.In the end, it may turn out that the president's most significant impact on economic policy is not one that he intended: overturning the conventional wisdom about the impact of government deficits.By simultaneously pursuing steep tax cuts for businesses and wealthy individuals, raising military spending and ruling out Medicare and Social Security reductions, Trump presided over unprecedented trillion-dollar deficits. Emergency pandemic relief added to the bill. Such sums were supposed to cause interest rates and inflation to spike and crowd out private investment. They didn't."Trump has done a lot to legitimize deficit spending," Furman said.Furman is one of a growing circle of economists and bankers who have called for Washington to let go of its debt obsession. Investing in infrastructure, health care, education and job creation are worth borrowing for, they argue, particularly in an era of low interest rates.That doesn't mean the issue has disappeared. Republicans will undoubtedly oppose deficits resulting from proposals put forward by a Democratic White House -- and vice versa. But warnings about the calamitous consequences of federal borrowing are unlikely to have the same resonance as before the Trump presidency.Back in his office, Dealtrey remembers how disturbed he once was about the size of the deficit. "I used to care about my kids and grandkids being stuck with it," he said, leaning back in his chair. "But nobody cares anymore."Maybe I don't care anymore," he said, momentarily surprised at his own words. "We've got bigger problems than that."This article originally appeared in The New York Times.(C) 2020 The New York Times Company
Senators including Kamala Harris and Chuck Schumer will deliver messages as part of a campaign of protest against the woman set to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg at the Supreme Court
MISSING A PIG? Clovis Police received calls of a loose pig at Buchanan High School, so they went out to check it out along with an Animal Services officer.
Bill Johnson knew, before he reached out to Joe Biden's campaign last spring, that things had changed between the former vice president and the nation's police unions. A once-close alliance had frayed amid clashes over police brutality and racism in the justice system. Still, Johnson, the executive director of the National Association of Police Organizations, invited Biden to address the group as it weighed its 2020 endorsement.For weeks, the campaign was politely noncommittal, Johnson said. Finally, he recalled, on the day NAPO was deciding its endorsement, he heard from a campaign aide asking if there was still time to send a message. "Not to be a jerk, but we were literally starting the meeting," Johnson said. "It's kind of a little late."The police federation, which twice endorsed the Barack Obama-Biden ticket and stayed neutral in 2016, backed President Donald Trump in July. Soon after, its president told the Republican convention that Biden and Sen. Kamala Harris were "the most radical anti-police ticket in history."That attack marked a low point in a political relationship that had endured for most of Biden's career.If elected, Biden would bring to the White House a long career's worth of relationships with police chiefs, union leaders and policy experts that is unmatched by any other major figure in the Democratic Party, according to more than a dozen current and former law-enforcement officials who have worked with Biden in various capacities.During a late-summer speech in Pittsburgh, Biden pledged to draw both racial-justice activists and police leaders "to the table" to forge durable solutions."I have worked with police in this country for many years," Biden said. "I know most cops are good, decent people. I know how they risk their lives every time they put that shield on."Yet the 2020 election has also underscored the difficulty Biden may have in achieving that goal. He is presenting himself as both a criminal-justice reformer and a friend to diligent police officers, a critic of racism and rioting alike.But Biden has seen his formal support from prominent law-enforcement groups disintegrate as those organizations closed ranks against reform legislation. They have objected to Biden's rhetoric about "systemic racism" in policing and to his vows to regulate police agencies with federal power, even as reformers on the left press Biden to take up far bolder changes.Some of Biden's colleagues from the Obama administration, including Eric Holder, the former attorney general, have worked to organize law-enforcement backing for Biden outside traditional police groups, and in September the campaign released a long list of endorsements stocked heavily with former sheriffs and prosecutors. Yet Trump has relentlessly exploited gaps between Biden and police leaders, running television ads accusing Biden of siding against the police in a time of unrest and berating him at the first presidential debate about his lack of police endorsements.Biden's response in that debate captured the risky political assumption of his candidacy, and a potential Biden presidency: that through a combination of good faith and long relationships, he might bring about peace between warring factions."What I'm going to do as president of the United States is call together an entire group of people at the White House," Biden promised. "Well, everything from the civil rights groups, to the police officers, to the police chiefs, and we're going to work this out."'So Darn Competent'Daryl Gates was already notorious when he visited Capitol Hill in the fall of 1990. In his 12 years leading the Los Angeles Police Department, he had become one of the country's most polarizing supercops: a high-profile field marshal in the war on drugs who dismissed concerns about racism and police brutality. Addressing the Senate Judiciary Committee on drug control that September, Gates told lawmakers that casual drug users "ought to be taken out and shot."If the draconian phrasing startled the committee's chair, the 47-year-old Sen. Biden of Delaware, he did not say so. Concluding the hearing, Biden lauded Gates and another chief testifying with him, Lee P. Brown of New York City, the country's most prominent Black policeman."Thank God," Biden said, "you are both so darn competent."Within six months, the tone of admiration between Gates and Biden was gone. When several white police officers in Los Angeles brutally beat Rodney. King, a Black man, Biden called on Gates to resign. The chief responded with mockery, invoking the plagiarism scandal that scuttled Biden's first presidential campaign.Of the demand that he quit, Gates said, Biden "probably heard it said somewhere else and is repeating it."It was a preview for Biden of how quickly a relationship forged over battling crime could unravel in a clash over racism in policing.For years, Biden stood out in the Senate as a fierce defender of the police. He has alluded, during the current campaign, to an affinity for law enforcement dating to his Irish Catholic upbringing in Pennsylvania and Delaware. ("There were three things all my friends became," he said in a September town hall, "a cop, a firefighter and a priest.")And he has spoken over the years about being drawn to issues of racial justice and public order after witnessing, in his youth, both the breakthroughs of the Civil Rights Movement and the tragedy of rioting in Wilmington, Delaware, after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. -- events that may have underscored, in a young politician's mind, the fragility of political support for large-scale social change.As a young senator, Biden sought a spot on the Judiciary Committee. Determined not to let Republicans outflank his party in confronting a national crime wave, Biden spent the 1980s advancing law-and-order policies like the creation of a federal anti-narcotics office led by a "drug czar," a title he is often credited with coining.By 1994, Biden had partnered with police groups to devise the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, a sprawling law that poured money into enforcement, banned assault-style weapons, toughened sentences for drug- and gang-related offenses and expanded the federal death penalty, among other measures.The bill was so sweeping in its scope and so stern in its penalties that it came to be a political liability for Biden in this year's Democratic primaries. At the time, it was a popular achievement that thrilled police groups."This translated into a tremendous amount of goodwill for Biden, both nationally and in his home state," said James Pasco, the executive director of the Fraternal Order of Police, a group currently supporting Trump.Brown, who went on to serve as the drug czar in the Clinton administration and later became the mayor of Houston, said Biden had always been inquisitive about what the police needed in order "to be more effective in carrying out our responsibilities.""He was just upfront in his support of law enforcement," said Brown, recalling that Biden would ask: "What could the Congress do to be more helpful?"But often left out of those conversations, Biden allies acknowledged, were issues of racial bias and police misconduct. And if Biden formed deep relationships with police leaders over fighting crime, those bonds have deteriorated during the extended reckoning over racism that has stretched from the Ferguson, Missouri, protests of 2014 into the present day.William Bratton, who served twice as New York Police Department commissioner, said Biden had long enjoyed "very strong support among the police," spanning internal divisions in the law-enforcement community.But Bratton also acknowledged that issues of police racism had not factored prominently into their collaboration. "We did not have those discussions," he said.Ambassador to the PoliceIt was during the 2008 presidential transition, as autumn turned to winter after the election, that Biden, as vice president-elect, told a few police officials that he planned to be their point of contact in the new administration."He said that he told the president: I want to keep law-enforcement in my portfolio," recalled J. Thomas Manger, then the police chief in Montgomery County, Maryland, a suburb of Washington, D.C. "At one of our first meetings, he said to me, 'I've always been with the cops. You've always been my guys.'"Obama and Biden entered office confronting multiple urgent crises, with a mandate to rescue the economy and resolve failing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Violent crime was receding as a political issue and the law-and-order ethos of the 1990s was drawing new skepticism, particularly on the left. Special envoy to the cops was not a particularly coveted assignment.Biden embraced it with vigor. During meetings at the Executive Office Building and breakfasts at the Naval Observatory, Biden functioned dually as peacemaker and political whip. Early on, he helped rouse support from police groups for the Recovery Act and the president's first Supreme Court appointee, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, helping the administration sell her nomination to the political middle."He was a terrific ambassador for the Obama presidency, for law enforcement," said Laurie Robinson, a former assistant attorney general whose office distributed grants to police agencies. "That made a tremendous difference in the ability to work not just with the leadership organizations, but with the unions."On sensitive subjects like immigration and gun control, Biden sought advice from his longtime allies in the law-enforcement world, asking for guidance on how best to attract police support for Obama's agenda amid signs that the law-enforcement community was shifting rightward. One ally was Chuck Wexler, the head of the Police Executive Research Forum, a law-enforcement think tank.Wexler recalled a meeting about immigration in Biden's suite at the Executive Office Building: In the moments before it began, Wexler said, a vice-presidential aide pulled him aside and ushered him into a tiny room where Biden was waiting. "Listen, you and I, we've got history," Biden said, according to Wexler. "Tell me: How do these folks feel about immigration? What do I need to know?"Gil Kerlikowske, a former Seattle police chief who worked closely with Biden as the top federal drug-control official, said Biden has spoken frankly about the value of enlisting law-enforcement leaders in the pursuit of progressive goals. The former vice president, he said, saw public safety as a foundational issue for most voters -- one on which they would not excuse failure."The safety and security issue, to the public, is an important one," said Kerlikowske, who described Biden as walking a "very fine line" in the current campaign.In their work together, Kerlikowske said he had not previously heard Biden use language like "systemic racism," though he said the former vice president was sensitive to the issue of bias.Biden performed important ceremonial functions, too: He handed out the Medal of Valor, an award for police heroism, and hosted events at his residence for National Police Week. In 2014, when a gunman targeted and killed two New York Police Department officers, Biden addressed the funeral of one, Rafael Ramos, and visited the family of the other, Wenjian Liu, at their Brooklyn home.Bratton, who also spoke at Ramos' funeral, said Biden approached him there to compliment a turn of phrase in his eulogy: "We don't see each other: the police, the people who are angry at the police," the commissioner had said, promising, "When we see each other, we'll heal.""He was very taken with that expression," Bratton said with evident pride. "He uses it to this day."Biden echoed the sentiment in a different context not long ago, after the killing in May of George Floyd, a Black man, by Minneapolis police."To everyone speaking out and peacefully demanding justice across the nation," he tweeted in June, "I see you, I hear you and I stand with you."'Come On, Guys, You Know Me'In the summer of 2016, Biden sat with Obama in the Roosevelt Room at the White House, an array of police leaders before them. Five police officers had been gunned down in Dallas by a man driven by animus against law enforcement. The president and vice president both pleaded with union leaders to temper their rhetoric about a nationwide "war on cops."The vice president, Johnson recalled, made a personal appeal to the police groups, to the effect of: "You know me, you can trust me, I've always been there for you.""I think it fell flat," Johnson said. "For the representatives around the table of various law-enforcement groups, our perception was, things were very bad out there."As early as 2009, there had been at least faint signs of tension. One was the uncomfortable episode that summer when Biden helped chaperone a so-called beer summit between Obama, Henry Louis Gates Jr., a professor at Harvard University who was arrested at his own home after a passerby reported a suspected robbery, and Sgt. James Crowley of the Cambridge, Massachusetts, police, who had arrested Gates. Obama said the Cambridge police had "acted stupidly," enraging police groups.The challenges to come would dwarf that episode by orders of magnitude.The lethal shooting of Michael Brown, a Black teenager in Ferguson, Missouri, by a white officer in 2014 opened a new period of tumult in law enforcement and race relations. The federal government was immediately involved, with the Justice Department launching an investigation using authority granted to it two decades earlier -- by the same 1994 crime law Biden spearheaded and police groups had championed.By the summer of 2016, a mood of crisis had taken hold, as the country confronted the successive killings of two Black men, Alton Sterling and Philando Castile, in Louisiana and Minnesota, and of the officers in Dallas.For Biden, it was no longer an option to focus on the mechanics of crime-fighting over matters of race.Biden repeatedly summoned chiefs and union leaders to his residence and his office, and backed an administration task force charged with drafting a reform agenda. Robinson, who co-chaired the panel, said Biden's involvement helped secure cooperation from wary police groups, calling it "a reflection of his real sensibility about tone, and how things are being received, and the role that he can play in those situations."Ronald L. Davis, a member of the task force who previously headed the federal Community Oriented Policing Services program, which gives funding to police departments, said Biden had been emphatic that the panel had to "come up with real solutions," not just generate a report. (The group's work was largely dismantled by the Trump administration.)Without Biden's involvement, it is possible that an insuperable rift would have opened between the administration and crucial law-enforcement groups. Wexler described a session at the Naval Observatory in the aftermath of Ferguson, when police chiefs and union leaders were at loggerheads."The police chiefs were pushing for reform, the unions were digging in and Biden had all of us to his residence," Wexler said. "He mediated, in the sense that he let people talk, and if nothing else he was the convener, because everybody knew him."But if Biden's easy manner and concern for cops helped bring police groups to the table, some law-enforcement leaders felt a mounting sense of grievance as they saw the administration take up a reform agenda. Pasco, of the Fraternal Order of Police, said that for all Biden's heartfelt outreach, he was still "on the anti-police side of these issues."At the same time, Trump was mounting his first campaign for the presidency on a simpler message: one of unyielding support for law enforcement and near-total indifference to police brutality. Accepting his party's nomination in 2016, shortly after the Dallas shooting, Trump said such attacks "threaten our very way of life."In the intervening years, Trump's message has scarcely changed, while Biden's task has grown more complicated. The racial-justice movement challenging traditional policing has only gathered strength, while police groups have embraced increasingly strident and alarmist rhetoric about rioting and violent crime. And Biden's determination to bridge those divides has persisted.Rich Stanek, a former Republican sheriff of Hennepin County, Minnesota, which includes Minneapolis, worked with Biden on gun control during his vice presidency. He questioned how much goodwill Biden would have to draw on with police groups as president. Yet he and other police leaders did not discount the possibility of a shift if Biden wins the election."It's the president," Stanek said. "If he calls and invites law enforcement to his office to talk about an issue, they're going to come."This article originally appeared in The New York Times.(C) 2020 The New York Times Company
The singer performed some of her greatest hits during her "SNL" hosting debut.
On a recruiting trip to India’s tech hub of Bangalore, Alan Cramb, the president of a reputable Chicago university, answered questions not just about dorms or tuition but also American work visas. The session with parents fell in the chaotic first months of Donald Trump’s presidency. After an inaugural address proclaiming “America first,” two travel bans, a suspended refugee program and hints at restricting skilled worker visas widely used by Indians, parents doubted their children’s futures in the U.S.
Young progressives ‘want to vote for who they are going to lobby,’ New York congresswoman says
Samsung chairman Lee Kun-hee, who made the company the giant it is today, has died at 78.
Sudan's move to normalise relations with Israel has laid bare deep societal splits, with some bashing it as a betrayal and others viewing it as a way to save the sinking economy.
They had completely opposite approaches to love as a result.
NEW YORK -- The coronavirus has made a routine trip to the gym feel like a health threat.Many epidemiologists consider gyms to be among the highest-risk environments, and they were some of the last businesses to reopen in New York City in early September.Now gyms must comply with a long list of regulations. Checking in requires a health screening; masks are mandatory, even during the most strenuous workouts; only one-third of normal occupancy is allowed; and everyone must clean, then clean some more.At a Planet Fitness in Brooklyn, Dinara Izmagambetova, who wore a floral black face mask and had a sheen of sweat after completing a two-hour workout, said she was thrilled to be back in a gym. But safety measures had made it a less sociable experience, she said."I could ask someone" how to use a machine before the outbreak, Izmagambetova said. "Now I'm doing a lot of Googling."Despite all the safety guidelines, some fitness enthusiasts are reluctant to go back and many have adapted to virtual workouts and exercising outdoors. Sales of fitness equipment like kettlebells and Peloton bikes have skyrocketed as people brought their workouts home.Christopher Carbone plans to cancel his membership at a Planet Fitness branch near his home on Staten Island because of concerns about people who touch "the same equipment many times and excess sweat and breathing in range of others."Instead of going to the gym, Carbone will keep working out at home with a small set of hand weights.In normal times, gyms often served as places of solace, where fitness buffs and casual exercisers could sweat out the stresses of the day.Many former patrons are eager to return to their routines, and gym owners desperately need their business.But even as gyms have reopened, their future remains unclear. Some of them have had to shut down again after Gov. Andrew Cuomo recently designated parts of Brooklyn and Queens coronavirus hot spots.A Retro Fitness location in Rego Park, Queens, formerly in one of Cuomo's "red zones," expressed regret about closing on its Facebook page."We have done our best to stay open as long as possible to serve you," the post said, adding, "We support the city/county's decision as being in the best interest of our members, staff, and community to help curb the spread of Coronavirus."The gym was recently allowed to reopen as some restrictions were eased.Despite scientists' concerns, infection clusters connected to gyms in the United States have been relatively rare so far, though they have been reported in Hawaii and California."We're not seeing outbreaks tied to gyms as heavily as something like a bar or school," said Dr. Saskia Popescu, an epidemiologist from George Mason University.Still, a number of the 2,000 or so gyms in New York state and fitness centers across the country face a fight for life. At least one-fourth of the more than 40,000 gyms in the United States could close by the end of the year, according to the International Health, Racquet and Sportsclub Association, an industry group. A study by Yelp said that more than 2,600 already had.Many of those that have closed are smaller, independently owned businesses that have fewer resources than large national chains like Planet Fitness, LA Fitness and Equinox.Marco Guanilo, who owns Momentum Fitness on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, said he had struggled during the long months he was closed, but that about 50% of his business had returned since he reopened.Still, he was $300,000 in debt, much of it from back rent payments he could not pay. Guanilo said that he thought his business would endure as long as he could stay open. The recent state-imposed closures have made him anxious."I'm scared of another shutdown," Guanilo said, "because that will put us under."While major chains may have deeper pockets, many are also in dire straits. Gold's Gym, 24 Hour Fitness and Town Sports International -- the parent company of New York Sports Clubs -- have all filed for bankruptcy.Planet Fitness, which has more than 2,000 locations around the world and 40 in New York City, has also faced serious challenges. Its revenue was down nearly 80% from the same period last year, according to the company's second quarter earnings reportDespite the bleak numbers, Chris Rondeau, Planet Fitness's chief executive, said the company has managed to weather the pandemic."Cancels are a little bit higher, for sure," Rondeau said, but, he added, "people are joining at the same clip they were this time last year."Planet Fitness furloughed most of its employees during the pandemic, but about 85% of them have returned to work and no locations closed, Rondeau said.Across the country, states have imposed different regulations to reopen gyms safely. Most require occupancy limitations and at least 6 feet of social distancing, though some states mandate as much as 14 feet. Requirements for face coverings vary.Regulations differ even in the states neighboring New York: New Jersey only allows gyms to operate at 25% capacity, while Connecticut permits twice that.Before gyms in New York can reopen they must undergo an inspection over video with an official from the city's Health Department, showing that they have posted safety plans, have spaced machines apart and are using an up-to-code air filtration system.Fulfilling the requirements and stockpiling cleaning supplies and personal protective equipment can cost more than $10,000, a significant burden after months of inactivity.As of the beginning of October, the city had inspected more than 1,000 gyms, and only 11 had failed. Failing gyms can reopen once they fix the issues they were cited for. In-person inspections might begin in the near future, officials said.Popescu said she believed that "the virtual approach" to inspections "is frankly better than nothing, which is what many have done."Whatever the risk factor, gyms are certainly different these days.On a recent weekend at a large Planet Fitness branch in Brooklyn, a masked greeter asked clients whether they had coronavirus symptoms, then collected their contact information.Television screens flashed reminders to disinfect workout stations, and every other treadmill and elliptical machine was blocked out with yellow-and-purple signs that said, "We're practicing social fitnessing. This machine is not available for use." Even so, there were few people working out.One of them was Dana Fagan, a bookkeeper, 41, who said she was pleased by the precautions being taken."I'm cleaning more -- the whole thing is wet and I'm fine with that," she said about disinfecting the equipment. "You can never have enough."Guanilo's boutique gym normally offers group classes, physical therapy and individual sessions with trainers. The more controlled atmosphere at his gym, where patrons have individual sessions if they're not in a group class, appeals to people who are concerned about infection, like Joshua Rubin, a 38-year-old director at an accounting firm."There's not people wandering around using different machines," Rubin said. "There's only two to three of us at a time."Nearby, Jesse Damon, 46, stretched his arms while a trainer verbally guided him, keeping several feet away."They're very safe here, this is a private gym," he said, adding that he went to a gym in Wyoming during a visit in June and "it was a lot of 20-year-olds not wearing masks.''Fitness classes normally make up nearly half of Guanilo's income, but the city still does not allow them indoors because officials say they are too risky.While he was shut, Guanilo was able to recover some of his lost business through virtual sessions and group fitness classes in Central Park, which involved hauling hundreds of pounds of equipment on a hand truck.Guanilo's clients want him to succeed, but some are not comfortable returning. Richard Stanger, a 70-year-old business consultant, said he would not go back to Momentum Fitness until there was a reliable treatment for the virus."We all want life to return to normal, and normal to me would be working out with Marco," Stanger said. "And I'm hoping we get there, but I'm not optimistic that we can get there before the first of the year."This article originally appeared in The New York Times.(C) 2020 The New York Times Company
“What we need to do is make sure that we have the proper mitigation factors, whether it’s therapies or vaccines or treatments to make sure that people don’t die from this.”
An explosive device killed at least three people on Sunday in the capital of southwestern Pakistan's restive Baluchistan province, despite heightened security as opposition political parties held a large open-air rally in another part of the city, local police said. The top leaders of an alliance of Pakistan’s major opposition parties have held rallies in two other cities this month as part of a campaign to oust the government of Prime Minister Imran Khan over his alleged failure in handling the country’s economic crisis. Two people were also wounded when the bomb, planted in a motorcycle, detonated Sunday afternoon in a vegetable market that had largely closed for the day, said Azhar Akram, a senior police officer in Quetta.
Jasper Blue singers say that Little Mix would never "switch off".