The permanent testing site will have a daily testing capacity of about 500 self-swab tests.
The permanent testing site will have a daily testing capacity of about 500 self-swab tests.
The reminders of pandemic-driven suffering among students in Clark County, Nevada, have come in droves. Since schools shut their doors in March, an early warning system that monitors students’ mental health episodes has sent more than 3,100 alerts to district officials, raising alarms about suicidal thoughts, possible self-harm or cries for care. By December, 18 students had taken their own lives. The spate of student suicides in and around Las Vegas has pushed the Clark County district, the nation’s fifth largest, toward bringing students back as quickly as possible. This month, the school board gave the green light to phase in the return of some elementary school grades and groups of struggling students even as greater Las Vegas continues to post huge numbers of coronavirus cases and deaths. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times Superintendents across the nation are weighing the benefit of in-person education against the cost of public health, watching teachers and staff become sick and, in some cases, die, but also seeing the psychological and academic toll that school closings are having on children nearly a year in. The risk of student suicides has quietly stirred many district leaders, leading some, like the state superintendent in Arizona, to cite that fear in public pleas to help mitigate the virus’s spread. In Clark County, it forced the superintendent’s hand. “When we started to see the uptick in children taking their lives, we knew it wasn’t just the COVID numbers we need to look at anymore,” said Jesus Jara, Clark County superintendent. “We have to find a way to put our hands on our kids, to see them, to look at them. They’ve got to start seeing some movement, some hope.” Adolescent suicide during the pandemic cannot conclusively be linked to school closures; national data on suicides in 2020 have yet to be compiled. A study from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention showed an increase in the percentage of youth emergency room visits for mental health reasons during the pandemic. The actual number of those visits fell, although researchers noted that many people were avoiding hospitals that were dealing with the crush of coronavirus patients. And a compilation of emergency calls in more than 40 states among all age groups showed increased numbers related to mental health. Even in normal circumstances, suicides are impulsive, unpredictable and difficult to ascribe to specific causes. The pandemic has created conditions unlike anything mental health professionals have seen before, making causation more difficult to determine. But Greta Massetti, who studies the effects of violence and trauma on children at the CDC, said there was “definitely reason to be concerned because it makes conceptual sense.” Millions of children had relied on schools for mental health services that have now been restricted, she noted. In Clark County, 18 suicides over nine months of closure is double the nine the district had the entire previous year, Jara said. One student left a note saying he had nothing to look forward to. The youngest student he has lost to suicide was 9. “I feel responsible,” Jara said. “They’re all my kids.” Over the summer, as former President Donald Trump was trying to strong-arm schools into reopening, Dr. Robert R. Redfield, then the CDC director, warned that a rise in adolescent suicides would be one of the “substantial public health negative consequences” of school closings. Mental health groups and researchers released reports and resources to help schools, which provide counseling and other intervention services, reach students virtually. Mental health advocacy groups warned that the student demographics at the most risk for mental health declines before the pandemic — such as Black and LGBTQ students — were among those most marginalized by the school closures. But given the politically charged atmosphere this past summer, many of those warnings were dismissed as scare tactics. Parents of students who have taken their lives say connecting suicide to school closings became almost taboo. A video that Brad Hunstable made in April, two days after he buried his 12-year-old son, Hayden, in their hometown, Aledo, Texas, went viral after he proclaimed, “My son died from the coronavirus.” But, he added, “not in the way you think.” In a recent interview, Hunstable spoke of the challenges his son faced during the lockdown — he missed friends and football, and had become consumed by the video game Fortnite. He hanged himself four days before his 13th birthday. Hayden’s story is the subject of a short documentary, “Almost 13,” Hunstable’s video has more than 86,000 views on YouTube, and an organization created in his son’s name has drawn attention from parents across the country, clearly striking a chord. “I wasn’t trying to make a political statement,” Hunstable said. “I was trying to help save lives.” This fall, when most school districts decided not to reopen, more parents began to speak out. The parents of a 14-year-old boy in Maryland who killed himself in October described how their son “gave up” after his district decided not to return in the fall. In December, an 11-year-old boy in Sacramento shot himself during his Zoom class. Weeks later, the father of a teenager in Maine attributed his son’s suicide to the isolation of the pandemic. “We knew he was upset because he was no longer able to participate in his school activities, football,” Jay Smith told a local television station. “We never guessed it was this bad.” President Joe Biden has laid out a robust plan to speed vaccinations, expand coronavirus testing and spend billions of dollars to help districts reopen most of their schools in his first 100 days in office. By then, children in districts like Clark County, with more than 300,000 students, will have been out of school for more than a year. “Every day, it feels like we have run out time,” Jara said. Heading into the pandemic, youth suicide rates had been on the rise for a decade; by 2018, suicide had become the second-leading cause of death for youth and young adults, behind accidents. And the most recent behavioral risk survey, which was released last year by the CDC and tracks health trends of high school students, showed a steady rise over the last decade in the percentage of students who said they felt persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness, as well as in those who planned and tried suicide. Since the lockdowns, districts are reporting suicide clusters, Massetti of the CDC said, and many said they were struggling to connect students with services. “Without in-person instruction, there is a gap that is right now being unfilled,” she said. Suzie Button, senior clinical director for high school programming at the Jed Foundation, a nonprofit based in New York that works on suicide prevention, said hundreds of schools and colleges — including Clark County’s — are teaming up with the organization to create services to offer students during the pandemic. “There’s a lot we don’t know, but what we do know about schools is they are the nexus of adolescent life,” Button said. “And in times like this, young people are sometimes the canaries in the coal mine.” Like many school districts, the Clark County school system marshaled its resources to plug gaps in services to its students. Truancy officers started doing wellness checks, school psychologists were working overtime, teachers were trained to look for trauma cues on screens, and school resource officers became the chief liaisons between the district and the coroner’s office. By July, after the sixth suicide since March, the district invested in a program, the GoGuardian Beacon alert system, to send reports of mild to severe suicide risk. The system, which scans student writings on district-issued iPads, generated more than 3,100 alerts from June to October, indicating behavior such as suicide research, self-harm, written comments, or just the need for help or support. By November, the deluge forced the district to upgrade its contract to include 24-hour monitoring and a service that would sort out the most severe cases, like students who were in “active planning,” meaning they had identified a methodology and were ready to act. “I couldn’t sleep with my phone nearby anymore,” Jara said. “It was like a 24-hour reminder that we need to get our schools open.” Recent graduates have also been affected. Anthony Orr, 18, drove his car to a parking lot in August and shot himself with an AR-15 he had bought two weeks before. In the months since, his parents, Marc and Pamela, have looked for signs they may have missed. His father did not know anything was wrong until he found his son’s body in the car, grabbed his arm and asked, “Son, what have you done?” The teenager, whose brother is a teacher in the district, seemed happy — he had graduated a couple of months before, decided that he wanted to take up a trade instead of going to college, and was settling in at his new job, where he had made friends. The only disappointment he had expressed was that his senior year was disrupted and that prom and his sports seasons were canceled. But he had met his goal to graduate with advanced honors, and he wore a white gown to a socially distanced, scaled-back ceremony that noted the achievement. “That was a letdown for him, too. There wasn’t the pomp and circumstance,” his father said. “They did it nice, they got to run across the stage and get the paper, but it definitely took away from the party.” His mother, Pamela, did not know whether quarantine pushed him over the edge, but she said: “Our kids are feeling hopeless. They’re feeling like there’s no future for them. I can’t see how there’s any other explanation.” In November, school officials intervened when a 12-year-old student searched his district-issued iPad for “how to make a noose.” The boy’s grandfather, whom The New York Times is identifying by his first name, Larry, to protect the boy’s identity, said the episode was a shock. The boy’s father had retired to bed around 7 p.m. to rest for his 2 a.m. work shift. He did not hear the phone ringing until around 10 p.m., when the school district finally reached him. His father made it to his son’s room to find a noose from multiple shoestrings around his neck. “If there wasn’t a security device that triggers that kind of alert, we would not be having this discussion,” his grandfather said. “It absolutely consumes you.” His grandson, whose dog died during the pandemic, was doing well academically in virtual school but was “Zoomed out,” Larry said. The only indication the boy has given for what pushed him over the edge is saying repeatedly, “I miss my friends.” “He is having a hard time functioning in this isolation,” his grandfather said. “It goes against everything that he is. There has to be an option of letting these kids go to school.” A dozen schools in the district began a pilot program to allow for face-to-face counseling. Recently, the number of schools swelled to 68. The program has led to interventions in 30 cases where students were considering suicide. The pilot has “grown into a monster,” said John Anzalone, principal at one of the initial 12 schools, Sierra Vista High School. He knew that his diverse, largely working-class student population, whose families have suffered from Las Vegas’ tourism crash, would be hit hard by the virus. But he was still stunned by the effect. “These young people are having to grow up really, really fast,” he said. “Some were alone even before the pandemic because their parents were working, and some are the breadwinners now.” Adrienne, mother of a 14-year-old high school freshman, had just finished a 12-hour shift last month when she received a call from her son’s principal, alerting her that her son had expressed suicidal thoughts. The teenager had told a friend that if they called the police, he would “do it.” “He felt disconnected,” his mother said. “He felt left behind.” His father had lost his small business. Two family members had died, one to the coronavirus. His mother was working 70 hours a week. Even when she was at home, she was not entirely present, as she tended to work and home life. “He just felt like he had no control over his world anymore and felt like a burden,” Adrienne said. “He loves to help people, to make people laugh, and he feels like he’s failing.” Indeed, its student failure rate, ranging from 60% to 70%, is another crisis at the school. That, in turn, is depressing the teachers and staff. The district is conducting a survey to see what supports it needs to provide its employees. Colleen Neely, a counselor at Shadow Ridge High School, recalled how a young man she had advised since ninth grade used to stand outside her office every day after fourth period. He had overcome so much by the 2019-20 school year in his determination to graduate: When he was junior, he was homeless, and the school connected him to a shelter; for a week, he lived in a park near the school, and staff gave him food and other resources; his schedule was shortened so he could work at McDonald’s. In the spring of 2020, Neely sent the young man an email telling him how proud she was of him, that he was so close to getting what he wanted. Two weeks before graduation, she got the call that he had shot himself. “Part of me will always wonder if he’d had access to his teachers, and his peers, and me, if it would’ve changed the outcome,” Neely said through tears. “I will never know. These suicides, they don’t impact one person and one family. They impact me to this day.” Jara understood. “I can’t get these alerts anymore,” he confessed. “I have no words to say to these families anymore. I believe in God, but I can’t help but wonder: Am I doing everything possible to open our schools?” This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
London under yellow warning amid heavy snowfall
Chief superintendent condemns ‘large group selfish people’ at illegal party in Hackney railway arch
Sudanese police fired tear gas on Sunday to disperse angry protests in Khartoum over the country's worsening economic crisis.
Securities Litigation Partner James Wilson Encourages Investors Who Suffered Losses Exceeding $50,000 In SolarWinds To Contact Him Directly To Discuss Their Options New York, New York--(Newsfile Corp. - January 24, 2021) - If you suffered losses exceeding $50,000 investing in SolarWinds stock or options between February 24, 2020 and December 15, 2020 and would like to discuss your legal rights, click here: www.faruqilaw.com/SWI or call Faruqi & Faruqi partner James Wilson directly at 877-247-4292 or ...
Follow all the fourth-round action live from Old Trafford
WASHINGTON — The acting chief of the U.S. Agency for Global Media has fired the leaders of multiple federally funded news outlets as part of the Biden administration’s sweeping effort to clear the agency of allies of former President Donald Trump. The acting chief, Kelu Chao, fired the heads of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia and the Middle East Broadcasting Network on Friday evening, according to two people familiar with the matter. They had been appointed in December by the agency’s chief executive at the time, Michael Pack, an ally of former Trump aide Steve Bannon, as part of a broader effort to remove what he believed was partisan bias from the news outlets. Numerous current and former employees at the agency had accused Pack of trying to turn it into a mouthpiece for the Trump administration. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times A spokesperson for the U.S. Agency for Global Media declined to comment. The dismissals, earlier reported by NPR and Politico, are the latest in a series of changes at the U.S. Agency for Global Media, and the federally funded news outlets it oversees, under the Biden administration. On Thursday, the director of Voice of America and his deputy were removed from their posts, and the head of the Office of Cuba Broadcasting also resigned. A day before that, Pack stepped down at the request of the Biden administration. Ted Lipien, who ran Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, was once a high-ranking official at VOA and became a sharp critic of the media agency. Stephen Yates, who led Radio Free Asia, was previously chair of the Idaho Republican Party and also served as former Vice President Dick Cheney’s deputy national security adviser. Victoria Coates, who ran the Middle East Broadcasting Network, was a deputy national security adviser in the Trump administration. President Joe Biden had been expected to make significant changes at the media agency. In the waning days of the Trump administration, Voice of America came under criticism for reassigning a White House correspondent who tried to ask former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo a question at a town hall event held at the outlet’s headquarters in Washington. After Pack resigned, the Biden administration quickly installed Chao, a longtime employee at Voice of America, to replace him. Yolanda Lopez, who served as director of the VOA’s news center, was also named as acting head of Voice of America and succeeded Robert Reilly, who had been appointed by Pack. Pack’s tenure at the U.S. Agency for Global Media was marked by significant upheaval. After taking over, he fired the chief executives of four news outlets under his purview, along with their governing board. He was also accused of purging staff critical of his leadership, starving organizations under his purview from basic funding, and trying to withhold visa approvals for at least 76 foreign journalists at the Voice of America because he had deemed them a security risk. At a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing in September, lawmakers from both parties accused Pack of undermining the agency’s mission, which includes battling disinformation in places like Russia, China, Hong Kong, North Korea, Iran and Belarus. Pack ignored a congressional subpoena to attend the hearing. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
Californian company SpaceX delivers more than 140 satellites to orbit on a single rocket flight.
Scotland’s leader said Sunday that she intends to hold a “legal referendum” on independence from the U.K. if she wins Scottish elections scheduled for May. Such a move would put First Minister Nicola Sturgeon on a constitutional collision course with Prime Minister Boris Johnson, who opposes another secession vote. Scotland voted to remain in the U.K. by a margin of 55%-45% in a 2014 referendum that was billed as a once-in-a-generation event.
WASHINGTON — When Rep. Scott Perry joined his colleagues in a monthslong campaign to undermine the results of the presidential election, promoting “Stop the Steal” events and supporting an attempt to overturn millions of legally cast votes, he often took a back seat to higher-profile loyalists in President Donald Trump’s orbit. But Perry, R-Pa., played a significant role in the crisis that played out at the top of the Justice Department this month, when Trump considered firing the acting attorney general and backed down only after top department officials threatened to resign en masse. It was Perry, an outspoken member of the hard-line Freedom Caucus, who first made Trump aware that a relatively obscure Justice Department official, Jeffrey Clark, acting chief of the civil division, was sympathetic to Trump’s view that the election had been stolen, according to former administration officials who spoke with Clark and Trump. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times Perry introduced the president to Clark, whose openness to conspiracy theories about election fraud presented Trump with a welcome change from the acting attorney general, Jeffrey Rosen, who stood by the results of the election and had repeatedly resisted the president’s efforts to undo them. Perry’s previously unreported role, and the quiet discussions between Trump and Clark that followed, underlined how much the former president was willing to use the government to subvert the election, turning to more junior and relatively unknown figures for help as ranking Republicans and Cabinet members rebuffed him. Perry’s involvement is also likely to heighten scrutiny of House Republicans who continue to advance Trump’s false and thoroughly debunked claims of election fraud, even after President Joe Biden’s inauguration this past week and as Congress prepares for an impeachment trial that will examine whether such talk incited the Capitol riot. It is unclear when Perry, who represents the Harrisburg area, met Clark, a Philadelphia native, or how well they knew each another before the introduction to Trump. Former Trump administration officials said it was only in late December that Clark told Rosen about the introduction brokered by Perry, who was among the scores of people feeding Trump false hope that he had won the election. But it is highly unlikely that Trump would have known Clark otherwise. Department officials were startled to learn that the president had called Clark directly on multiple occasions and that the two had met in person without alerting Rosen, those officials said. Justice Department policy stipulates that the president initially communicates with the attorney general or the deputy attorney general on all matters, and then a lower-level official if authorized. As the date for Congress to affirm Biden’s victory neared, Perry and Clark discussed a plan to have the Justice Department send a letter to Georgia state lawmakers informing them of an investigation into voter fraud that could invalidate the state’s Electoral College results. Former officials who were briefed on the plan said that the department’s dozens of voter fraud investigations nationwide had not turned up enough instances of fraud to alter the outcome of the election. Perry and Clark also discussed the plan with Trump, setting off a chain of events that nearly led to the ouster of Rosen, who had refused to send the letter. After The New York Times disclosed the details of the scheme Friday, the political fallout was swift. Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., incoming chairman of the Judiciary Committee, told the Justice Department in a letter Saturday that he would investigate efforts by Trump and Clark to use the agency “to further Trump’s efforts to subvert the results of the 2020 presidential election.” Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the majority leader, said that it was “unconscionable that a Trump Justice Department leader would conspire to subvert the people’s will.” He called on the department’s inspector general, Michael Horowitz, to investigate “this attempted sedition.” Horowitz has already opened an investigation into whether Trump administration officials improperly pressured Byung J. Pak, who abruptly resigned this month as the U.S. attorney in Atlanta after being pressed to take actions related to the election, according to a person briefed on the inquiry. Durbin is investigating that matter as well. Trump also tried to force Justice Department officials, including Rosen and the acting solicitor general, Jeffrey Wall, to file a lawsuit before the Supreme Court that would challenge Biden’s victory, according to a person briefed on the request. One of Trump’s outside lawyers even drafted a brief for the department to file to the court. Department officials and the White House counsel, Pat Cipollone, told Trump that the plan would fail for several reasons, including the fact that the department did not have the grounds to challenge the outcome, the person said. The fight between Trump and Justice Department officials over the Supreme Court filing was first reported by The Wall Street Journal. The episode with Clark and Perry is yet another example at impeachment managers’ disposal as they put together their case that Trump should be disqualified from holding office again. Clark declined to comment on his relationship with Perry, and he categorically denied devising any plan to oust Rosen. He said there had been “a candid discussion of options and pros and cons with the president” that had been inaccurately described by The Times, but he declined to provide details. He declined to say anything more about his conversations with Trump or Justice Department lawyers because of “the strictures of legal privilege.” Asked whether his conversations with the president had violated the department policy governing contact with the president, he said that senior lawyers at the agency provided legal advice to the White House as part of their duties. “All my official communications were consistent with law,” he said. Clark, a member of the conservative Federalist Society, had been appointed acting head of the civil division in September. He also oversaw the department’s environmental and natural resources division, where he had worked under President George W. Bush. Neither Perry nor his top aides responded to repeated requests for comment. Some Senate Republicans, including Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the minority leader, have grown increasingly worried that if they do not intervene and distance themselves from Trump, the havoc wreaked by the former president could hurt Republicans’ political fortunes for years to come. The episode amounts to an unwelcome reminder that damaging information around his presidency could continue to emerge even though Trump is no longer in office. And Perry’s role in the discussions could further escalate tensions in the House, where Democratic lawmakers were already livid at Republicans for fanning the flames before the Capitol riot, with some rank-and-file members calling for the expulsion of lawmakers who led efforts to overturn the election. The pressure that Trump placed on the Justice Department, including any plan that he may have considered to remove Rosen, also raises legal questions for him. Trump’s duty as president was to ensure that “laws be faithfully executed for the benefit of the country,” and efforts to interfere in the election could be considered a violation of his constitutional duty, said Neil Eggleston, a partner at Kirkland & Ellis and a White House counsel under President Barack Obama. There is little chance that a Justice Department letter sent to Georgia lawmakers would have prompted the state to invalidate its Electoral College votes. But the plan was consistent with the posture Perry had taken since November, when he began to falsely claim that there had been rampant fraud in the election, and throughout it all, Perry has remained defiant. Facing calls to resign over his role in the efforts to overturn the election, Perry issued a one-word response: “No.” Perry, a retired brigadier general in the Pennsylvania Army National Guard and an Iraq War veteran, has been scrutinized for his openness to the conspiratorial. He baselessly suggested that the 2017 mass shooting in Las Vegas by a lone gunman could have been influenced by “terrorist infiltration through the southern border” and refused to support a resolution that condemned QAnon, a pro-Trump conspiracy movement. ( Perry said he believed that the resolution infringed on individuals’ right to free speech and that he did not personally subscribe to the movement.) An early supporter of the “Stop the Steal” campaign, Perry was one of 126 House Republicans who joined a legal brief in December supporting an extraordinary lawsuit seeking to overturn Biden’s victory. And he joined over two dozen of his colleagues who urged Trump to direct William Barr, the attorney general, to “investigate irregularities in the 2020 election.” He objected on behalf of 79 other House Republicans to certifying Pennsylvania’s electoral results, and was among 139 House Republicans who voted to reject Biden’s electoral victory, even though he later acknowledged Biden as president-elect. The plan that Perry devised with Clark set off a crisis at the Justice Department. When Clark approached Rosen with the Georgia letter at the end of December, Rosen refused to send it, according to four former administration officials. On Jan. 3, Clark notified Rosen that he would be taking his job at Trump’s behest. As Rosen prepared to meet Trump later that day and fight for his job, his top deputies, including the acting deputy attorney general, Richard Donoghue, and his outgoing chief of staff, Patrick Hovakimian, convened the department’s senior leaders on a conference call, according to five former officials with knowledge of the call. They told the department leaders that Rosen’s job was in jeopardy because of Clark’s machinations and said they would resign if Rosen was removed. They ended the call by asking their colleagues to privately consider what they would do if that happened. Over the next 15 minutes, all of them emailed or texted Hovakimian, saying that they would quit. While Rosen, Donoghue and other top department and White House lawyers spent nearly three hours with Trump and Clark, debating the merits of sending the letter to Georgia lawmakers, Hovakimian drafted an email to the department’s senior leaders, including those who were not aware of what was transpiring at the White House, in anticipation of Rosen’s removal, according to two people briefed on the letter. In it, he explained that Rosen had resisted Trump’s repeated calls to use the department’s law enforcement powers for improper ends and that the president had removed him, according to a person who reviewed the email. He wrote that he and Donoghue were resigning immediately and encouraged his colleagues to think hard about what they would do and to always act in the interests of the United States. When Hovakimian received word that Rosen had been allowed to stay, he drafted a new email that he sent to the anxiously awaiting officials: Rosen and the cause of justice had won. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
The director of "I Carry You With Me" and a new Ronan Farrow-produced documentary addressed the way her work fits into changing times.
Science seems to develop new and more innovative ways to fight cancer every year, and it shows up in survival statistics. One approach, trying to inhibit the ability of cancer cells to mask themselves using a special protein called CD47, has gained traction in the past few years. The protein, found on the surface of healthy cells, is overexpressed on cancer cells to tell the immune system to move on, or "don't eat me".
Each week Trifecta Stocks identifies names that look bearish and may present interesting investing opportunities on the short side. Using technical analysis of the charts of those stocks, and, when appropriate, recent actions and grades from TheStreet's Quant Ratings, we zero in on five names. While we will not be weighing in with fundamental analysis, we hope this piece will give investors interested in stocks on the way down a good starting point to do further homework on the names.
The Supply Chain Insurance market will register an incremental spend of about USD 2.45 billion, growing at a CAGR of 3.83% from 2020-2024
The CEO of Vital Farms is encouraging other food brands to disrupt the industrial food system in the United States.
Arizona Republicans voted Saturday to censure Cindy McCain and two prominent GOP members who have found themselves at odds with former President Trump.
Search efforts had been called off for Robert Weber, but he was reportedly found by a local MP.
Securities Litigation Partner James Wilson Encourages Investors Who Suffered Losses Exceeding $300,000 In Decision Diagnostics Corp. To Contact Him Directly To Discuss Their Options New York, New York--(Newsfile Corp. - January 24, 2021) - If you suffered losses exceeding $300,000 investing in Decision Diagnostics stock or options between March 3, 2020 and December 17, 2020 and would like to discuss your legal rights, click here: www.faruqilaw.com/DECN or call Faruqi & Faruqi partner James Wilson directly ...
At some point, eventually, defenseman Anton Stralman will have a regular partner this season. Maybe.