Veteran oddsmaker Dave Sharapan tells a story on the time he took over $2 million in bets before the Steelers-Packers game in 2011.
Veteran oddsmaker Dave Sharapan tells a story on the time he took over $2 million in bets before the Steelers-Packers game in 2011.
Oilfield services provider Baker Hughes said the Securities and Exchange Commission is conducting an investigation into the company's sale of products in projects that were impacted by U.S. sanctions. Baker was notified in December of the SEC's formal investigation into its records and internal controls related with sales at the impacted projects, the company disclosed in its annual regulatory filing on Thursday. The Houston, Texas-based company added that it is providing the information sought by the SEC.
Canada's C$100 billion ($79 billion) stimulus plan is justified by the economic hole caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, government sources said, as analysts warned Ottawa against racking up too much debt and making investments that fail to boost growth. The International Monetary Fund fired a shot across the bow of sorts last week when it said Canada's fiscal risks had risen and that unjustified further spending could "weaken the credibility of the fiscal framework." Canada's Liberal government plans to roll out the stimulus over three years.
Lee Daniels, star Andra Day and cast talk about acclaimed new drama "The United States vs. Billie Holiday" — and point out double standard of how she was investigated for drug use while Judy Garland was not.
Toronto, Ontario--(Newsfile Corp. - February 26, 2021) - Atrium Mortgage Investment Corporation (TSX: AI) (TSX: AI.DB.B) (TSX: AI.DB.C) (TSX: AI.DB.D) (TSX: AI.DB.E) ("Atrium") announced that it has filed and received a receipt for a (final) short form base shelf prospectus with the securities regulatory authorities in all provinces of Canada, except Québec, that allows Atrium to offer and issue up to $250 million of common shares, debt securities, subscription receipts, warrants or ...
New York, New York--(Newsfile Corp. - February 26, 2021) - The Klein Law Firm announces that a class action complaint has been filed on behalf of shareholders of iRhythm Technologies, Inc. (NASDAQ: IRTC) alleging that the Company violated federal securities laws.Class Period: August 4, 2020 and January 28, 2021Lead Plaintiff Deadline: April 2, 2021Learn more about your recoverable losses in IRTC:http://www.kleinstocklaw.com/pslra-1/irhythm-technologies-inc-loss-submission-form?id=13170&from=5The filed complaint alleges that iRhythm Technologies, Inc. made materially false and/or misleading statements ...
BREAKING: DAWN, CAIR and Code Pink to Respond to Release of U. Intelligence Report on Murder of Washington Post Journalist Jamal KhashoggiPR NewswireWASHINGTON, Feb.
The Pentagon’s announcement that that U.S. forces conducted deadly airstrikes in Syria sparked complaints from some of President Joe Biden’s Democratic allies that he overreached, while key Republicans applauded the move.
The berg covers 1,270 sq km - nearly 490 square miles - but its break-off was expected.
Irini Mikhael was working as an engineer when she decided to quit her job and launch a childcare centre chain.
The "United States Prepaid Wireless Market by Technology, Applications and Services 2021-2026" report has been added to ResearchAndMarkets.com's offering.
More than 500,000 people in the U.S. have died of COVID-19. That seemed to cut little ice at the annual gathering of right-wingers.
As an Army National Guard officer who has deployed all over the world, Capt. Jawana McFadden always felt the Army’s strict rules toward women’s hair needlessly compromised not only who she was as a person, but how she performed as a soldier. In civilian life, McFadden has what she calls “tons of curls, and big poofy hair that I love.” But for 22 years, when it came time to put on her uniform, she had to use gel and a hot comb to comply with requirements that women have short hair or a tight, disciplined bun. The bun pushed her helmet forward over her eyes, she said, so that “when you got down in a fighting position, you couldn’t see.” Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times “It wasn’t just that my self and my traditions weren’t reflected in what it means to be a soldier,” McFadden said in an interview from her home in Inglewood, California. “It also just didn’t work.” In a military increasingly dependent on women, and particularly Black women, that is now changing. The latest update to the Army’s uniform and grooming regulations, which takes effect on Friday, offers several revisions that give the 127,000 women serving in the Army and National Guard a chance to finally let their hair down — at least a bit. For the first time, women will be allowed to have buzz cuts. And they will be able to wear combinations of styles, such as locks pulled back in a ponytail, which for years were off limits. The new rules allow short ponytails at all times, and long ponytails in combat and in training when a bun might otherwise interfere with equipment. “It’s long overdue,” McFadden said of the change. “It shows that the Army is recognizing we can be soldiers and still be ourselves, that being a soldier and a Black woman is valid and valued.” The new regulations are tucked among reams of standards that stipulate everything from who can wear capes (officers only) to whether soldiers can stand with their hands in their pockets (no). While permitting ponytails may seem tepid in the freewheeling world of civilian fashion, for women in uniform the changes offer not only welcome flexibility, but a growing sign that the Army is listening, and slowly moving away from military standards that in the past generally let them serve only to the extent that they agreed to look and act like men. Women will now also be able to have highlights in their hair and wear conservative shades of lipstick and nail polish, so long as they are not “eccentric, exaggerated, or faddish,” and they can wear stud earrings while not in field training or combat. And the regulations for the first time include guidance on breastfeeding, allowing soldiers to wear a specifically designed nursing T-shirt under their camouflage coat, and authorizing women to unzip the uniform and, without using a cover, “breastfeed anywhere the soldier and child are otherwise authorized to be.” The share of women in the military has grown steadily since World War II, though during the early years of integration the all-male leadership kept women in token nursing and secretarial roles, often with their rank and pay capped. Families were considered a breach of regulations. Women who became pregnant in uniform were automatically discharged until 1972, when a young lawyer named Ruth Bader Ginsburg helped take the Defense Department to the Supreme Court. Since the 1970s, the number of women in the Army has grown from about 2% to about 15% of the force. In recent years, they have integrated into nearly all combat units and been promoted to senior leadership positions. Today the once-reluctant military is now actively seeking to make serving more attractive to women, said Kate Germano, a retired Marine Corps lieutenant colonel and former head of the Service Women’s Action Network, an advocate for women in uniform, because leaders realize they cannot succeed without them. “It’s a matter of national defense,” Germano said. “We just don’t have enough male candidates to do the job.” The military has developed an especially outsize reliance on Black women, who, Germano noted, account for nearly a third of all women in the military, even though they make up only about 15% of the civilian female population. Black women now serve in the military at a far higher rate than any other demographic group. “The military offers a lot of opportunities for people we don’t traditionally see as soldiers. They are taking advantage of that,” Germano said. “And it is slowly reshaping our image of what a soldier is.” The most recent grooming changes were recommended by a panel of 10 Black women, four white women, one Hispanic woman, one Hispanic man and one Black man drawn from both low- and high-ranking soldiers. They sought input from medical experts who detailed how tight buns sometimes led to hair loss, headaches and other problems that affected soldiers’ well-being and performance. Though the military in the past resisted accommodations for women, it now recognizes that people from all backgrounds need a voice in what it means to be a soldier, said Michael Grinston, the sergeant major of the Army, in an interview this week. “When I started in the Army, the saying was ‘All I see is green,’” said Grinston, who joined the Army as an artillery soldier in 1987 and holds the Army’s most senior enlisted position. The saying was a way of expressing that, regardless of sex, race or background, the Army treated all soldiers the same. “Recently, someone told me, ‘When you say that, you don’t see all of me,’” he said. Seeing everyone as identical kept him and other leaders from understanding the unique challenges and contributions of individuals, he added. “That was really powerful.” The sergeant major, a decorated combat veteran who last summer spoke candidly about his own struggles with growing up as the son of a white mother and a Black father, has been an outspoken champion of inclusion initiatives. He said a broader feeling of belonging makes soldiers perform better and ultimately makes the Army stronger. “Our goal was to create a Standard that everyone could see themselves in,” he said while announcing the new grooming guidelines in a message on Twitter in January. When asked if men’s facial hair would be the next frontier, Grinston laughed and said he received several comments every week from soldiers yearning for beards. The Army currently has authorized about 550 men to grow beards under religious exceptions, but all other facial hair beyond mustaches that are “trimmed, tapered, and tidy” is forbidden. The sergeant major said beards would probably get serious consideration in the next round of updates. The Army is a learning organization, he added. “Just because we’ve done something for the first hundred years doesn’t mean we have to do it for the next hundred years.” This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
Feb. 26—The vision of an avid Dayton history lover is coming alive inside a former doughnut shop on East Third Street. "Seely's Ditch" will be a "a cozy bar with big stories, small bites, and an attention to detail of Dayton's past," according to the pub's Facebook page. Its owner, 34-year-old Alex Smith, is a digital marketing manager with Kettering Health. He was born and raised in the ...
SEOUL, South Korea — The students and the survivor were divided by two generations and 7,000 miles, but they met on Zoom to discuss a common goal: turning a Harvard professor’s widely disputed claims about sexual slavery during World War II into a teachable moment. A recent academic journal article by the professor — in which he described as “prostitutes” the Korean and other women forced to serve Japan’s troops — prompted an outcry in South Korea and among scholars in the United States. It also offered a chance, on the Zoom call last week, for the aging survivor of the Japanese Imperial Army’s brothels to tell her story to a group of Harvard students, including her case for why Japan should issue a full apology and face international prosecution. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times “The recent remarks by the professor at Harvard are something that you should all ignore,” Lee Yong-soo, a 92-year-old in South Korea and one of just a handful of so-called comfort women still living, told the students. But the remarks were a “blessing in disguise” because they created a huge controversy, added Lee, who was kidnapped by Japanese soldiers during World War II and raped repeatedly. “So this is kind of a wake-up call.” The dispute over the academic paper has echoes of the early 1990s, a time when the world was first beginning to hear the voices of survivors of Japan’s wartime sexual slavery in Asia — traumas that the region’s conservative patriarchal cultures had long downplayed. Now, survivors’ testimony drives much of the academic narrative on the topic. Yet many scholars say that conservative forces are once again trying to marginalize the survivors. “This is so startling, 30 years later, to be dragged back, because in the meantime survivors from a wide range of countries found a voice,” Alexis Dudden, a historian of Japan and Korea at the University of Connecticut who has interviewed the women. The uproar began after an academic journal’s website published an article in December in which J. Mark Ramseyer, a Harvard Law School professor, argued that the women were “prostitutes” who had willingly entered into indenture contracts. An international chorus of historians called for the article to be retracted, saying that his arguments ignored extensive historical evidence and sounded more like a page from Japan’s far-right playbook. A group of more than 1,900 economists wrote this week that the article used game theory, law and economics as “cover to legitimize horrific atrocities.” The Korean International Student Association at Harvard has also demanded an apology from Ramseyer, expressing concern that the university’s name “could lend credibility to the argument” that Japan’s wartime government was not responsible for the trafficking and enslavement of women. A petition with similar language has been signed by hundreds of Harvard students. Several scholars noted that Ramseyer’s argument was flawed because he did not produce any signed contracts with Korean women as evidence — and that focusing on contracts in the first place was misleading because the women, many of whom were teenagers, did not have free agency. Ramseyer’s paper also ignored a 1996 United Nations report that concluded that comfort women, who came from a number of countries, mostly in Asia, were sex slaves, said Yang Kee-ho, a professor of Japanese studies at Sungkonghoe University in Seoul. “There are many details in the paper which contradict facts and distort truth,” he added. The paper, “Contracting for Sex in the Pacific War,” argues that the Japanese army created standards for licensing so-called comfort stations around Asia during World War II as a way of preventing the spread of venereal disease. Ramseyer, an expert on Japanese law, wrote that “prostitutes” who worked in the brothels signed contracts that were similar to those used in Tokyo brothels, but with shorter terms and higher pay to reflect the danger of working in war zones. Ramseyer declined an interview request. He has previously argued that relying on survivors’ testimony is problematic because some of the women have changed their accounts over the years. “Claims about enslaved Korean comfort women are historically untrue,” he wrote in Japan Forward, an English-language website affiliated with a right-wing Japanese newspaper, last month. The International Review of Law and Economics, which published Ramseyer’s recent paper online, posted an “expression of concern” this month saying that it was investigating the paper’s historical evidence. But the journal’s editorial team said through a spokesman that the article would still be published in the March edition and was “considered final.” Another publication, the European Journal of Law and Economics, said this week that it was investigating concerns that had been raised about a paper by Ramseyer that it published last week about the experiences of Korean migrants in Japan. Ramseyer’s supporters include a group of six Japan-based academics who told the editors of the International Review of Law and Economics in a letter that the article that caused the recent outcry was “well within the academic and diplomatic mainstream” and supported by work from scholars in Japan, South Korea and the United States. They did not name any specific scholars. One academic who signed the letter, Kanji Katsuoka, said in an interview that he had only read the abstract of the “Contracting for Sex” article, but felt that the term “prostitute” was appropriate because the women had been paid for their services. “Harvard University is the top school in the United States,” added Katsuoka, a lecturer at Meisei University and the secretary-general of a right-wing research organization. “If they lose freedom of speech, I have to judge that no freedom of speech exists in the United States.” Three decades ago, when survivors like Lee began speaking publicly about their sexual slavery for Japan’s troops, they were embraced by a nascent feminist movement in East Asia that prioritized the right of women to claim their own history. Even though the testimonials prompted an official apology from Japan in 1993, the issue remains deeply contentious. The governments of Japan and South Korea agreed to resolve it in 2015, when Japan expressed responsibility, apologized anew to the women and promised to set up an $8.3 million fund to help provide old-age care. Some of the survivors accepted a portion of the funds, but Lee and a few others rejected the overture, saying it failed to provide official reparations or specify Japan’s legal responsibility. More recently, people on Japan’s political right, including former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, have insisted that the Korean women were not sex slaves because there is no proof that they were physically forced into the brothels. Survivors have long challenged that claim. Lee has said that Japanese soldiers dragged her from her home when she was a teenager, covering her mouth so she could not call to her mother. Ji Soo Janet Park, a Harvard law student who helped organize the recent Zoom event with Lee, said it was designed to combat “denialists and revisionists” who sought to erase the accounts of wartime sexual slavery. “We’re the next generation that’s responsible for making sure that this remains a part of history,” said Park, 27, whose undergraduate thesis explored how memorials to former sex slaves shape Korean American identity. In an interview this week, Lee, the survivor, said that she was dismayed to see people in Japan echo Ramseyer’s “absurd” remarks. She said that she had not given up her campaign to have the issue prosecuted at the International Court of Justice. “As my last work, I would like to clarify the matter at the ICJ,” she said, referring to the court. “When I die and meet the victims who have already passed away, I can tell them that I resolved this issue.” This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
Feb. 26—The owners of the Dayton Sports Complex are suing former University of Dayton basketball great Chris Wright for what they allege was breach of contract, and the case has a jury trial scheduled for June 2021. The suit filed in Montgomery County Common Pleas Court last year alleges that Wright and his business entities — Flyght Academy LLC and the Wright Way Foundation — used the Dayton ...
Feb. 26—More should be done in Dayton-area schools to inspire Black students to want to become doctors or other health professionals, Xenia schools Superintendent Gabe Lofton said About 2% of doctors in America are Black men and Lofton said area schools, health systems, universities can be part of the solution to increasing this percentage. "I think if there was this collective within the ...
Attorney Tarik Habbas of Habbas & Associates in San Jose has been selected to the California Super Lawyers® Rising Stars℠ 2021 membership list. He was primarily selected for his work in Employment Litigation – Plaintiff cases.
If you didn't receive a direct payment or you received less money than you were eligible for, you may be able to claim the Recovery Rebate Credit.
A thrifting TikTok account reunited a 55-year-old with his family's lost VHS tape from 1989.
BEIRUT — Since President Joe Biden entered the White House, Iranian-backed militants across the Middle East have struck an airport in Saudi Arabia with an exploding drone, and are accused of assassinating a critic in Lebanon and of targeting U.S. military personnel at an airport in northern Iraq, killing a Filipino contractor and wounding six others. On Thursday, the world got its first glimpse of how Biden is likely to approach one of the greatest security concerns of American partners in the region: the network of militias that are backed by Iran and committed to subverting the interests of the United States and its allies. U.S. officials said that overnight airstrikes ordered by Biden hit a collection of buildings on the Syrian side of a border crossing with Iraq on Thursday and targeted members of the Iran-backed militia Kataib Hezbollah and an affiliated group. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times A Kataib Hezbollah official said that one of his group’s fighters had been killed in the airstrikes. But Iranian state television and the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a conflict monitor based in Britain, reported that 17 fighters had been killed in the airstrikes, which occurred near Abu Kamal, Syria, just across the border from Iraq. While the exact death toll remained unclear, Biden appears to have calibrated the strikes, hoping they would cause enough damage to show that the United States would not allow rocket attacks like that on the Irbil airport in northern Iraq on Feb. 15, but not so much as to risk setting off a wider conflagration. “He is kind of putting his first red line,” said Maha Yahya, director of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. She said the strikes signaled to Iran that his eagerness to return to a nuclear agreement would not lead Biden to ignore other regional activities by Iran and its allies, and particularly attacks on U.S. troops. “It is sending a message: The bottom line is that we won’t tolerate this and will use military force when we feel you’ve crossed the line,” Yahya said. Militiamen fled from six of the seven buildings hit in the strikes after spotting what they believed to be a U.S. surveillance aircraft, according to the Sabareen news channel on Telegram, which is used by Iran-backed groups. In a sign of heightened tensions between the Iraqi government and Iran-backed groups that are also part of Iraq’s security forces, Sabareen said the U.S. strikes had been aided by an Iraqi intelligence official posing as a shepherd. In an interview with a local television network Thursday, Iraq’s foreign minister, Fuad Hussein, said those calling themselves “the resistance” and launching rocket attacks in Iraq were no more than terrorists. Sabareen called Hussein’s comments “a green light to the international community to target and eliminate the resistance under the pretext of terrorism.” “We see these attacks as attacks on the Iraqi government,” Hussein said in a recent interview with The New York Times, referring to attacks on the U.S. Embassy and other American targets. Hussein is one of several Iraqi officials who have traveled to Iran in recent months to try to persuade it to use its influence to rein in militia forces. “I and others went to Tehran and had a frank and open discussion with the Iranians,” he said. “For a period of time, it stopped these attacks.” “At the end, the field of conflict is in Iraq,” Hussein said. Senior Iraqi officials have said they expect a more nuanced policy by the Biden administration toward Iraq. Hussein said Baghdad had no expectations that the administration would make Iraq a foreign policy priority, but said relations would be helped by the long experience of both Biden and key administration officials with Iraq and Iraqi politicians. Kataib Hezbollah says it maintains a presence at the border crossing to prevent the infiltration of Islamic State fighters into Iraq. The Iraqi government has struggled to rein in Iran-backed militias that have grown in influence since mobilizing to fight the Islamic State when it took over large parts of Iraq and Syria in 2014. The group lost its last piece of territory two years ago, and many of the Iran-backed paramilitary groups have been absorbed into Iraq’s official security forces. Iraq has warned that conflict between the United States and Iran playing out on its soil threatens to destabilize the country. Attacks on U.S. interests in Iraq by suspected Iran-backed militias intensified after the United States killed an Iranian general, Qassem Soleimani, and a senior Iraqi security official, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, in a drone strike in Baghdad in 2020. “In the last year, Iraq has become a playground and battleground for this type of activity driven by the U.S.-Iran escalation,” said Renad Mansour, the Iraq Initiative director at Chatham House, a London-based policy group. “These groups began to spring up after the killing.” “There’s one clear message from all of them: that avenging the deaths isn’t over,” he said. “For them, time isn’t an issue.” Mansour, who tracks armed groups in Iraq, said the newer groups appeared to be made up of fighters armed with weapons connected to the larger Iran-linked paramilitaries. Some of the Iran-backed paramilitary groups are on the Iraqi government’s payroll as part of the Iraqi security forces but are only nominally under the control of the government. The tit-for-tat attacks come as the Biden administration begins the daunting task of trying to restore the nuclear agreement with Iran that President Donald Trump withdrew the United States from in 2018. Looming behind the question of the parameters of a new deal is the issue of Iran’s destabilizing activities across the Middle East, which are particularly concerning to U.S. allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. Iran has spent decades building a network of partnerships with militia groups across the region that has allowed it to project power far outside its area of influence. These groups include the Palestinian group Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, a number of groups in Iraq and the Houthi rebels in Yemen. All of these groups have received at least some financing, support and weaponry from Iran over the years, and all share its ideology of “resistance,” or the struggle against Israel and U.S. interests in the region. The groups have developed numerous, often low-cost ways of creating headaches for the United States and its allies. Hezbollah has grown into Lebanon’s most powerful military and political force, with an arsenal of more than 100,000 rockets pointed at Israel and seasoned fighters who helped turn the tide in Syria’s civil war in favor of President Bashar Assad. This month, the group’s foes in Lebanon accused the group of assassinating Lokman Slim, a publisher, filmmaker and vocal critic of the group who had close ties with Western officials. Hezbollah officials denied any connection to Slim’s killing. Days after Slim’s death, the Houthi rebels in Yemen, whom an Arab coalition led by Saudi Arabia has been bombing since 2015, targeted an airport in the Saudi city of Abha with an explosive-laden drone, damaging a civilian airliner. The Irbil rocket attack was claimed by a previously unknown armed group calling itself the Guardians of the Blood. U.S. officials said it appeared to be affiliated with one or more of Iraq’s better-known militias, and Thursday’s strikes in Syria targeted facilities belonging to them. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company