Novavax said in March its coronavirus vaccine was 96.4% effective in a Phase 3 test. It's also effective against variants. It's now seeking authorization. Is NVAX stock a buy?
- The Independent
‘We’re the leaders. They follow us!’ Matt Gaetz tells MTG as pair weigh-in on Liz Cheney and ‘America last’ media
‘I’m glad our colleagues have caught up’ says Gaetz, later mocking CNN’s coverage of him
- The Independent
A top editor for the Post said the seizure “deeply troubled” them
- The Independent
Melinda Gates is ‘haunted’ by Microsoft founder’s association with sex offender, sources say
- The Independent
Matt Gaetz and Marjorie Taylor Greene in conspiracy laden double act designed to delight Florida’s most famous retiree – Donald Trump
Few Republicans more outspoken in support of former president than Greene or Gaetz, writes Andrew Buncombe
The publisher known for its criticism of Donald Trump said it was "deeply troubled" by the move.
- The Independent
Wisconsin wants $106k from lawyer Sidney Powell over ‘bad faith’ lawsuit backing Trump’s election lies
Powell pushed her fraudulent election claims so far Trump once asked his staff ‘she really is crazy, huh?’
- Business Insider
How April's dismal jobs report is setting the stage for Biden's $4 trillion economic fight with the GOP
Democrats and Republicans drew opposite conclusions from April's jobs report and about the way forward in healing an economy battered by the pandemic.
MADRID/BARCELONA (Reuters) -Exhilarated Spaniards danced in streets, chanted "freedom" and partied on beaches overnight as a COVID-19 curfew ended across most of the nation. In scenes akin to New Year's Eve celebrations, hundreds of mainly young people gathered in Madrid's Puerta del Sol square to applaud the clock striking midnight while in Barcelona revellers headed to the beach with drinks in hand. Police in Barcelona had the strange task of moving people on after the last curfew began at 10 p.m., only to let them back at midnight when it ended for good.
- The Independent
“Many of us still live in fear,” the former first lady says
- The Independent
Senior Republican ‘privately complaining’ about the ‘coronation’ of Elise Stefanik ahead of Liz Cheney purge, CNN host says
Jake Tapper confirms earlier rumours of discontent within the GOP about Liz Cheney’s potential replacement
- Raleigh News and Observer
Lap-by-lap highlights from the NASCAR Xfinity race at Darlington Raceway.
- The New York Times
CORAL GABLES, Fla. — The University of Miami has long been able to make a glossy pitch to the students it hopes will star on its sports teams: an exceptional athletic tradition, respected academics, South Florida’s sun-kissed glamour. For months, though, coaches at Miami — and every other college in Florida — have had a new selling point: Play here and, thanks to a new state law, maybe make some money off your athletic fame. Florida and four other states are poised to allow players to make endorsement deals starting this summer, and with universities in other states anxious about losing recruits, the NCAA is moving anew toward extending similar rights to college athletes across the country. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times In an interview with The New York Times on Friday, the NCAA’s president, Mark Emmert, said he would recommend that college sports’ governing bodies approve new rules “before, or as close to, July 1,” when the new laws are scheduled to go into effect in Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi and New Mexico. The changes together promise to reshape a multibillion-dollar industry and to test the NCAA’s generations-long assertions that student-athletes should be amateurs who play mainly for scholarships and that college sports appeal to fans partly because the players are not professionals. “When I was playing college football, my priorities were girls, football and then school,” said Mark Richt, who led the football programs at Georgia and Miami before he retired from coaching in 2018. “Now it’s going to be money, girls, football, school.” Under a proposal that has been before NCAA members for months, student-athletes could be paid in exchange for use of their names, images and likenesses by many private companies. The plan, which could take effect Aug. 1, would also let players earn money through advertisements on their social media accounts. “We need to get a vote on these rules that are in front of the members now,” Emmert said. The current proposal would give colleges and universities the power to block some agreements if they conflict with “existing institutional sponsorship arrangements,” meaning that an athlete might not be able to strike an endorsement deal with Adidas if his or her college already has one with Nike. Other possible restrictions include bans on promoting sports betting and on hiring agents “to secure an opportunity as a professional athlete.” Emmert and other college sports executives acknowledge, though, that the plans NCAA officials are contemplating will not fully resolve the sprawling debate. The proposed guidelines, which could still be modified, differ in some respects from the new state laws, which themselves are far from uniform. “The inherent issue with the NCAA is its bylaw changes that were drafted don’t go as far as some of the state laws, so you’re still going to have tension around state laws and NCAA rules,” said Greg Sankey, commissioner of the Southeastern Conference, where six of 14 colleges expect to operate under new statutes beginning in July. Sankey is among the executives who have urged Congress to set a coast-to-coast standard to override a blur of state laws. In Florida, for instance, colleges will be required to conduct financial literacy workshops for student-athletes. Colleges in Alabama may forbid their players to cut deals with alcohol companies. Georgia’s law allows for an arrangement in which players can sometimes be compelled to share portions of their income with other athletes. Other states, including California, Michigan and New Jersey, have similar laws set to come into force in the months and years ahead. The question of whether and how student-athletes should be able to make money has long simmered, particularly as many coaches drew seven-figure salaries, universities erected eye-popping athletic buildings and television rights deals brought in billions of dollars. The subject exploded in 2019, when California defied the NCAA’s warnings and passed its law, scheduled to take effect in 2023. The NCAA’s deliberate pace toward change brewed more frustration among university administrators and lawmakers, leading to more proposals in more statehouses. In an interview last year, Donna Shalala, a former president of the University of Miami who became a Democratic member of Congress, lamented that the NCAA had “no strategy” and “no clear message” as it pleaded its case to lawmakers in the nation’s capital. More than a year later, the swirl of statutes and potential rules still has the college sports industry looking to Washington for a fix. Although proposals are circulating on Capitol Hill, it is far from clear whether a federal bill will pass in 2021. “We need a system that is fair to all of our student-athletes and protects the scholarships of student-athletes in both the revenue and Olympic sports and does not do anything to destroy the collegiate model that basically has provided life-changing educational opportunities to so many individuals, including my father, my brother, myself, my son,” said Kevin Warren, commissioner of the Big Ten Conference, whose 14 universities are not in states with laws taking effect in July. The NCAA had been planning a vote on its proposals in January but postponed after the Trump administration raised antitrust concerns. Emmert said Friday that NCAA officials had been in contact with the Justice Department to discuss the misgivings of regulators. His conclusion that the association should now sign off on its long-planned rules will ease some nerves in college sports. Athletic officials have feared that the new state laws by themselves would abruptly create dramatic competitive gaps. University and marketing executives across the country anticipate that some players will land extremely valuable agreements, but they expect most opportunities to involve local businesses offering thousands or tens of thousands of dollars — far from enough to, say, buy a glittering condominium overlooking South Beach. “I don’t think everyone on the football team would get a shoe deal, let alone when you add in 300-plus other student-athletes,” said Blake James, the Miami athletic director who worked with state legislators to develop the Florida law. Experts believe that new standards will be particularly important for women, who command large, loyal audiences as college athletes but have fewer lucrative opportunities in professional sports. But more broadly, the new rules could substantially benefit thousands of college sports participants who are largely barred under NCAA rules from earning money in ways that other students can. Those restrictions have increasingly angered Democratic and Republican officials. “We don’t want to change the character of sports,” said state Rep. Chip LaMarca, the Republican architect of Florida’s law. “We’re just trying to add the same economic freedom and fairness that a typical student in college would have.” Players are ready to embrace new opportunities. When Florida lawmakers mulled whether to delay the measure they approved last year, D’Eriq King, a Miami quarterback, wrote on Twitter, “Don’t back down now. Let us profit off OUR name image and likeness. We deserve it!” Emmert would not discuss whether the association might challenge any of the state laws in court. He said, though, that he did not expect any decisions about new industry rules to hinge on the outcome of a case the association recently argued before the U.S. Supreme Court, which is considering the scope of the NCAA’s powers. Complications loom amid widespread uncertainty about the rules, and there is a consensus that they will almost certainly change again, particularly if Congress steps in. Consider Miami, one of three Atlantic Coast Conference schools to be covered by the new state laws July 1. Before and after Gov. Ron DeSantis signed Florida’s measure into law on Miami’s campus last June, university officials grappled with how to work under the new statute. In December, Miami announced that its football program had partnered with an Alabama firm, INFLCR, to help students navigate the thicket of rules and opportunities. Coach Manny Diaz promoted the agreement as the groundwork for players to “build your brand in the heart of one of the world’s most dynamic cities.” But James, the athletic director, acknowledged that his staff’s preparations may have only so much of a shelf life. “We’re planning under the set of rules that we know,” he said recently in his memorabilia-stuffed office. “The reality is that those rules are going to change at some point between now and I’ll say July 1, 2022.” He conceded that he had probably not always been eager to see the types of changes coming. Then again, James said, he once voted on a proposal to limit text messages from coaches to recruits because, in the era before unlimited plans, students and their families found themselves facing exorbitant phone bills. “Now, you fast forward, to think that we’re not going to text is crazy,” he said with a chuckle. The latest moves toward change have also come to seem inevitable. “When you look at where social media is and the ability of an individual to really have a brand, yeah, we’ve definitely evolved to that spot,” James said. Or as Richt, who is now a television analyst for the ACC Network, put it, “It’s here, so you better embrace it.” This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
- Associated Press
Brock Nelson scored twice in the second period as the New York Islanders beat the New Jersey Devils 5-1 Saturday night in the final regular season game at Nassau Coliseum. Mathew Barzal had a goal and an assist, and Jordan Eberle and Kyle Palmieri also scored for the Islanders. Ilya Sorokin stopped 23 shots to help New York snap a three-game losing streak and get its sixth regulation win in the last 23 games.
Most of the victims of Saturday's blasts which killed more than 50 near a Kabul school were girls.
- The Daily Beast
ViceIn I, Sniper, Lee Boyd Malvo speaks at length about the 2002 reign of terror he and partner John Allen Muhammad carried out in the Washington, D.C., area, resulting in ten deaths. Yet despite using audio clips from his phone calls as narration, Vice’s eight-part docuseries (premiering May 10) is most notable for putting its prime emphasis on the pair’s innocent victims, and the countless friends, family members and loved ones left to cope with unthinkable tragedy. To its admirable credit, it’s a true-crime affair that seeks to understand its “monsters” while simultaneously recognizing—and highlighting—the fact that such comprehension doesn’t necessitate empathy, especially when the atrocities in question are as inexcusably heinous as these.Spearheaded by director Ursula Macfarlane, I, Sniper’s calling card is those phone conversations with Malvo from Virginia’s Red Onion State Prison, where he’s currently serving multiple life sentences. In them, the killer recounts, in exacting and chilling detail, both the sniper attacks he perpetrated as a 17-year-old, and the troubled upbringing in Jamaica that led him into the welcoming arms of Muhammad, a Gulf War veteran with a surplus of rage and a desire to unleash it on his homeland. Abandoned by his dad, abused by his mom, and eventually left to fend for himself, Malvo found in Muhammad a father figure who promised to love him as he did his own biological offspring. From the outset, though, theirs was a bond built on exploitation, with Muhammad becoming not only Malvo’s surrogate parent, but also his lover—as well as his mentor, pouring all of his long-simmering hate and resentment into the impressionable, desperate-for-acceptance teen.The Tragic End to Wrestling’s First Great ‘Madman’Muhammad’s gripes were many—he despised the military, white people, and just about every American institutional structure. However, he reserved his greatest enmity for second ex-wife Mildred, who dared to take back her kids after Muhammad had kidnapped them. The loss of his (abducted) brood seems to have been the proverbial match that lit Muhammad’s homicidal spark, and he soon began molding Malvo into his instrument of destruction. Friends and relatives suspected that something was up with their relationship, but no one foresaw what was to come: the cold-blooded murder of Keenya Cook, the niece of Mildred’s friend in Tacoma, Washington, followed by violent robberies, shootings and slayings in Arizona, Louisiana, Alabama, and Georgia. All of those initial acts were merely a test run for Malvo and Muhammad’s grand scheme in Washington, D.C., the epicenter of American power, and thus Muhammad’s venue of choice to strike fear into the heart of the republic by proving that everyone was vulnerable—even children.What transpired was a 22-day nightmare in which 13 individuals (white and Black, young and old, well-off and working-class) were shot, 10 of them fatally, in D.C., Maryland, and Virginia. Because Malvo and Muhammad’s intention was to terrorize in increasingly escalating fashion, each victim was chosen at random at gas stations, on street corners, and in parking lots that afforded the killers ideal vantage points and easy escape routes. They committed these crimes in a customized 1990 blue Chevy Caprice, with Malvo lying in the trunk and firing through the rear keyhole. It was a stealthy plot, and the two benefited from the fact that an early eyewitness said they’d seen a white box truck near the scene—thereby sending police, for the better part of the next three weeks, on a wild goose chase for the wrong vehicle. With no other ballistics-related leads, law enforcement was stymied, which proved to Malvo that Muhammad was right: no one could stop them from exacting their revenge.The question, of course, is revenge against what? I, Sniper connects the dots of Malvo and Muhammad’s troubled pasts and despicable 2002 presents, but no convincing argument is made that Muhammad—the mastermind behind this madness—had suffered losses that weren’t of his own making. Be it his unhinged military tenure, his marital craziness, or his transformation of Malvo into an assassin, Muhammad comes across as a man righteously angry over things that were his own fault. As for Malvo, his cold, clinical recitation of his murderous conduct (and claims of remorse) neuters any sorrow one might feel for his adolescent travails. His present-day compunction is far too little, too late, just as the case he makes for his own victimhood vis-à-vis Muhammad sounds like an accurate and yet insufficient explanation. He knew that gunning down men, women and children was dreadfully wrong, and yet in order to maintain Muhammad’s affection, he actively, and enthusiastically, chose to do it—and even got a thrilling kick from it, as he explains that post-shooting sex with Muhammad was exceptionally exciting.Malvo and Muhammad’s rampage of “retribution and punishment” was unforgivable; as Montgomery County Police Chief Charles A. Moose says, “There’s just no excuse for their behavior. None whatsoever.” To hammer home that point, I, Sniper consistently juxtaposes Malvo’s recollections with prolonged, heartrending interviews with the wives, brothers, aunts and friends of the duo’s victims, as well as some of those who survived their encounters. Those accounts turn out to be vital, providing an up-close-and-personal view of the anguish and trauma that Malvo and Muhammad brought about, and the lingering scars left by this ordeal. They’re the human face of this awful tale, stricken with grief, regret, guilt and fury over senseless crimes that robbed them of loved ones who were simply at the wrong place at the wrong time.Comprised of news reports, crime scene footage, 911 calls, Malvo-penned illustrations, maps and chats with patrolmen, detectives, reporters and doctors, I, Sniper is comprehensive enough to earn the description “definitive.” Yet more than its insight into the mind of its young subject—and, by extension, Muhammad, who was executed in 2009 by lethal injection—what separates it from much of the true-crime pack is its dogged refusal to forget the real, incalculable horror at the center of its story. Malvo is frequently heard but never seen, while the countenances of his and Muhammad’s victims (and those close to them) remain front-and-center throughout. That directorial decision is critical and commendable, allowing the series to pay fitting tribute to the individuals who deserve to be remembered, while keeping its central villain largely faceless, in the dark and out of sight, where he chose to live and kill with his murderous mentor, and where he’ll now remain for the remainder of his days.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.
- Business Insider
Amazon executives sensed Bezos was poised to get divorced when he started taking an unusually keen interest in a mode of transport he had always loathed.
- LA Times
Seven-time Formula One champion Lewis Hamilton notched another historic achievement when he claimed his 100th pole position at the Spanish Grand Prix.
- Business Insider
Close allies to Donald Trump told the Washington Post they wish he was working to protect policies from his term as opposed to holding grudges.
- Business Insider
Elon Musk calls the meme-crypto Dogecoin the 'future of currency,' predicts it will 'take over the world' on 'SNL'
Musk also referenced the popular catchphrase "To the moon," popularized by the Reddit group Wall Street Bets.
James looks almost unrecognizable in the transformation shots as the "Baywatch" star.