How a tiny election could send shockwaves through Democratic politics

NEW YORK — A high-ranking House Democrat dealing with problems of global scale in the nation’s capital is facing a hyperlocal test of his political mettle at home.

Rep. Gregory Meeks, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, is fighting to maintain control over a judicial seat that provides the financial lifeblood to the political machine he oversees in New York City.

A spot on Queens Surrogate Court is up for grabs after 14 years, and Meeks’ preferred candidate is contending with a well-funded challenger who threatens the last vestiges of an increasingly bygone way of maintaining electoral relevance. And while this race pales in comparison to other issues facing the D.C. power broker, it is one of the clearest symbols of his influence in New York.

“The Queens County Democratic Organization would continue to exist if they lost the surrogate race — but it would be a shell of itself,” said Anthony Weiner, who represented the borough in Congress for more than a decade.

The Queens party once ruled with near absolute power. And like other county- and state-level political organizations in the region, it still sways down-ballot races and legislative leadership positions.

But broadly speaking, old-school party machines have been on the decline. Democrats in Brooklyn have been battling an insurrection from progressives as its network of neighborhood political clubs atrophies. And in New Jersey, a legal decision threatens to upend altogether a nearly century-old system that gives party bosses major influence over elections.

In Queens, this retrenchment was on full display in 2018, when Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez toppled party boss Joe Crowley in a stunning upset. The race came after nearly a decade of changing political trends and some unforced errors.

Losing the judicial seat in the upcoming primary would deal a similarly seismic blow. If the party were to be cut off from the wellspring of money and power that flows from the office, it would sap Meeks’ political standing and mark the end of an era for New York City machine politics.

Genuine toss-ups for these judicial seats are rare, since party leaders have long run their favored picks without meaningful competition. But in the upcoming June primary, Meeks — a 13-term House member — is taking the threat seriously.

He introduced his candidate, Supreme Court Judge Cassandra Johnson, at a March 9 luncheon attended by hundreds of politicos, for example. These types of events offer Johnson the prime benefit of being yoked to the prominent D.C. lawmaker. The following day, party stalwarts including Rep. Grace Meng gathered for a petitioning drive to ensure Johnson gets on the ballot — an illustration of the Queens organization’s extensive volunteer network.

“What we are trying to do in the county is do it the old-fashioned way: On the ground, knocking on doors, making phone calls and getting people motivated to come out to vote and to understand the significance of what the Surrogate Court judge does,” Meeks said in an interview. “That is what we are looking to do, and I think that will counter the money that anybody else has.”

Johnson’s fundraising haul is unclear, as her account was opened after the most recent disclosure requirement. (She can transfer $13,938 from a previous campaign).

Her most well-positioned opponent already has a serious war chest.

Civil Court Judge Wendy Li had $176,478 on hand as of January, according to state Board of Elections records. And in these races in particular, cash can be hard to come by.

To try to preserve the independence of the judiciary, New York State places additional burdens on candidates seeking court positions: Descriptions of opponents must adhere to a standard of truthfulness that would disqualify heaps of ordinary campaign mailers. Candidates cannot endorse anyone else running for office. They cannot hold a joint fundraiser with a non-judicial candidate. The rules even outline when it is appropriate to appear in advertisements wearing a black judicial robe.

But most importantly, judicial candidates cannot solicit donations, and are not supposed to know the identities of their donors — complicating fundraising and removing a common incentive to contribute in the first place.

While a host of other candidates for Congress, the state Legislature and the courts will be on the ballot in June, the Surrogate Court seat is of particular importance to the party for a simple reason: It remains one of the last bastions of political patronage in the city.

Surrogate Court judges handle the estates of residents who die — a process that can include complex family dynamics and a range of assets from real estate to securities. Lawyers often get involved, sometimes at the direction of the court.

The current Queens surrogate is closely connected to Crowley, the former party leader, and has doled out plum positions to politically connected lawyers including Gerard Sweeney, according to a report in Gothamist. Sweeney, in turn, provides pro bono legal work for the Queens Democrats along with two of his law partners, Michael Reich and Frank Bolz, whose eponymous firm has long held sway over the borough’s political apparatus.

The Queens Democrats’ interest in the race is readily apparent — attorneys close to the party have historically been top earners in Surrogate Court — so much so that a consultant who spoke with POLITICO on the condition of anonymity said he was wary of doing any work for Li’s campaign for fear of angering the party’s legal team.

“Bolz,” he said, referring to one of the lawyers, “will cut our balls off.”

In addition to free legal work offered by the party’s counsel, Johnson, who did not respond to a request for an interview, comes to the race with a host of advantages.

The June primary is likely to be a low-turnout affair in areas of the borough without competitive races, which increases the importance of endorsements and a solid ground game. The party also boasts a formidable power base in Southeast Queens, home to Meeks and many Black homeowners who vote in high numbers.

What’s more, judicial candidates are restricted from declaring positions on a range of issues — making it harder for political newcomers without established connections, like Li, to distinguish themselves to voters.

Nevertheless, Li’s fundraising prowess has caught the attention of Democrats in the borough.

“There is going to be an inflection point. If someone can raise a lot of money for a judicial race, they can start to erase the endorsement advantage,” said a Democratic consultant who has worked in Queens judicial races and was granted anonymity to speak candidly about the race.

Li — an Ivy League-educated attorney who immigrated to America at the age of 28 and won a Civil Court judgeship in Manhattan in 2018 — is running in a borough that is nearly one-third Asian. She appears to have fundraised heavily from the Chinese community, making the race a test of that demographic’s clout in the borough.

And one of the most competitive races in the upcoming Democratic primary is expected to drive turnout in Flushing, a politically purple neighborhood home to a concentration of Chinese and Korean residents.

Two other contested races are taking place in largely Latino neighborhoods that could similarly boost turnout in those areas. That’s where Li’s connection to a controversial Queens politico comes into play.

Li’s name appeared on a petition, reviewed by POLITICO, alongside several names associated with Hiram Monserrate, who was ousted from the state Senate in 2010 over a domestic assault conviction and served time in prison for misusing taxpayer money while serving on the City Council.

Monserrate has long been attempting a political comeback and has maintained a base of power in the largely Latino neighborhoods of Corona and East Elmhurst. This year, he is running for an open Assembly seat in Queens.

Li denied any affiliation with Monserrate and said she is not receiving help from him. One of her consultants, she noted, appears to be independently assisting with his run. “I cannot dictate to a consulting business who their other clients are,” she said, noting that her campaign is collecting petitions for her without any other candidates.

Monserrate, who has apologized for his crimes and argued he deserves a second chance, did not divulge any connection to Li, but was adamant that Queens voters should have more choices when electing judges.

“Whatever I have done to help people run for judge in Queens and to eventually get them elected, that’s a positive,” he said. “Everyone wins when we have choices.”

Jeff Coltin and Dustin Racioppi contributed to this report.