It’ll be a long time before we see another presidential field populated solely by career politicians. But that’s not something we should necessarily fear.
Trying to shut down the special counsel and seize control of the Justice Department will be the thing that brings this entire Legoland of an administration crashing down on itself.
To the extent that Trump’s tariffs jack up prices on imports at the big retailers, we’re not just talking about an impact on household budgets. We’re also pulling at one of the few remaining threads that may be keeping our society from spinning apart.
Trump isn’t really a man of action. He’s a man of artifice. He talks and he talks and he talks, the world’s foremost expert on dominating a news cycle, knowing all along that by the time we realize none of it’s real, he’ll have ushered us along to whatever’s next.
President Trump leaves the impression that his administration isn't interested in checking the brazen power of dictators, mainly because it's true.
Bill Kristol is steadily launching an unrelenting assault on his own party's president. You could say he is the clearest and most credible voice of Republican resistance in Washington.
Too often, Mitt Romney has treated principled rhetoric like a stretchy suit he can change into in a phone booth, then throw into a trash can when no one's looking. But if he wins a Utah Senate seat, he could become something he's never managed to be: the most influential figure in the GOP outside
The Trump administration has an unprecedented turnover rate of 34 percent, and scores of key posts remain unfilled. What we know now is that Trump isn't a guy who asks for help. He's not inspired by talent and intellect; he's threatened by it.
From his foreign policy approach to his parade plans, Donald Trump isn't motivated by some secret agenda to install himself as a small-handed dictator. His goal is to govern at the dawn of the Cold War, in the 1950s America he knew as a boy.
Democrats aren’t supposed to just throw up their hands and let cruelty reign — they’re supposed to win elections. Chuck Schumer’s compromise will let his party focus on making November a referendum on Trump.
Lesson from the GOP in 2016: When a field of candidates is divided 20 different ways, the one who makes a loud, emotional or even outrageous appeal can incite enough of a disenchanted plurality to win.
There are said to be whispers that Trump is suffering from early stages of dementia. But no one’s shown me any evidence that he is anything other than a 71-year-old guy who never focused all that well to begin with.
The tax bill’s message from Republican lawmakers to Democratic-voting states seems to be: “You’re not our people, so go get bent.”
In this season of national catharsis around sexual harassment, to establish yourself as enlightened seems to require rushing to judgment, ignoring ambiguity and silencing dissent.
The GOP tax bill's main failing is that it's based on a played-out theory, aimed at the problems of an age when the economy looked completely different.
When someone like Roy Moore, the GOP candidate for Senate from Alabama, runs for office as the arbiter of private morality, it’s worth asking yourself what he might be running from.
No one’s going to take on President Trump with a slogan that says: “Preserve our vulnerable institutions.” But “Take our party back!” is just about the most powerful appeal in modern politics.
President Trump doesn’t care what happens to the GOP after he’s gone. So why aren’t more Republicans separating themselves from him?